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| The rise of populism in Latin America after the First World War is rooted in a combination of complex social and economic dynamics. The weakness of democratic institutions, powerless to respond to the growing demands of citizens, endemic poverty and flagrant inequality, formed a fertile breeding ground for populist ideas. The devastating impact of the Great Depression of 1929 amplified these pre-existing tensions, plunging the region into an era of unprecedented political violence and social unrest.
| | 第一次世界大战后，民粹主义在拉丁美洲兴起，其根源在于复杂的社会和经济动态。民主体制薄弱，无力满足公民日益增长的需求，贫困现象普遍，不平等现象严重，这些都为民粹主义思想的滋生提供了肥沃的土壤。1929 年经济大萧条的破坏性影响加剧了原有的紧张局势，使该地区陷入前所未有的政治暴力和社会动荡时代。 |
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| In Colombia, the epic story of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán epitomises this tumultuous period. Buoyed by a wave of popular support, Gaitán and his movement captured the imagination of the underprivileged, promising justice and equality. His tragic assassination in 1948 gave rise to "La Violencia", a period of bloody and persistent internal conflict.
| | 在哥伦比亚，豪尔赫-埃利塞-盖坦（Jorge Eliécer Gaitán）的史诗般的故事是这一动荡时期的缩影。在民众支持浪潮的推动下，盖坦和他的运动俘获了弱势群体的想象力，承诺实现正义和平等。他在 1948 年惨遭暗杀，引发了 "暴力"--一段血腥而持久的内部冲突。 |
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| Cuba was not to be outdone. The 1930s saw the emergence of Fulgencio Batista, another charismatic leader who claimed to defend the interests of the working classes. However, corruption and authoritarianism eroded the legitimacy of his rule, paving the way for Fidel Castro's revolution in 1959.
| | 古巴也不甘示弱。20 世纪 30 年代，另一位自称捍卫工人阶级利益的魅力型领导人富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔（Fulgencio Batista）横空出世。然而，腐败和专制侵蚀了他统治的合法性，为菲德尔-卡斯特罗 1959 年的革命铺平了道路。 |
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| In Brazil, the arrival in power of Getúlio Vargas in 1930 seemed to herald radical change. Vargas, with his discourse centred on the well-being of the working class and marginalised populations, launched progressive reforms. However, the authoritarian drift of his government tarnished his legacy, culminating in his overthrow in 1945.
| | 在巴西，1930 年热图利奥-瓦加斯（Getúlio Vargas）的上台似乎预示着彻底的变革。瓦加斯以工人阶级和边缘化人群的福祉为中心，发起了渐进式改革。然而，其政府的专制倾向玷污了他的遗产，最终导致他于 1945 年被推翻。 |
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| This paper sets out to dissect the underlying forces behind the emergence of populism in Latin America, against a political and economic backdrop of global upheaval. It offers a meticulous analysis of the repercussions of the Great Depression on the region, illustrated by in-depth case studies in Colombia, Cuba and Brazil, revealing the nuances and national specificities that characterised each experience with populism.
| | 在全球动荡的政治和经济背景下，本文旨在剖析民粹主义在拉美兴起背后的根本原因。本文通过对哥伦比亚、古巴和巴西的深入案例研究，对大萧条对该地区的影响进行了细致的分析，揭示了民粹主义的细微差别和各国的具体特点。 |
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| = The 1920s: A turning point in the history of Latin America = | | = 二十世纪二十年代 拉丁美洲历史的转折点 = |
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| During the 1920s, Latin America underwent a transformation driven by fast-changing economic, political and social dynamics. After the end of the First World War, the region enjoyed remarkable economic growth, often referred to as the "boom". This period of prosperity, which lasted until the end of the decade, was largely fuelled by growing international demand for South American products, stimulated by global economic recovery and industrial expansion. The substantial increase in demand for raw materials such as rubber, copper and soya propelled Latin American economies onto the growth track. International markets, in the process of reconstruction and expansion, absorbed these products at an unprecedented rate. As a result, foreign investment flowed in, domestic industries expanded, and urbanisation progressed at an accelerated pace, changing the social and economic landscape of the region. This economic boom has also brought about significant socio-political changes. The emergence of a more robust middle class and the growth of the urban population have created momentum for democratic and social reforms. Citizens, now more informed and engaged, began to demand greater political participation and a fairer distribution of national wealth. However, this apparent prosperity concealed structural vulnerabilities. Overdependence on world markets and raw materials made Latin America particularly sensitive to international economic fluctuations. The Great Depression of 1929 brutally exposed these weaknesses, leading to severe economic contraction, unemployment and social and political instability.
| | 20 世纪 20 年代，拉丁美洲在瞬息万变的经济、政治和社会动态的推动下经历了一场变革。第一次世界大战结束后，该地区经济显著增长，通常被称为 "繁荣 "时期。这一时期的繁荣一直持续到本十年末，其主要原因是在全球经济复苏和工业扩张的刺激下，国际社会对南美产品的需求不断增长。对橡胶、铜和大豆等原材料的需求大幅增加，推动拉美经济步入增长轨道。在重建和扩张过程中，国际市场以前所未有的速度吸收了这些产品。因此，外资涌入，国内产业扩张，城市化进程加快，改变了该地区的社会和经济面貌。经济繁荣也带来了重大的社会政治变革。中产阶级的崛起和城市人口的增长为民主和社会改革创造了动力。公民们现在更加知情和参与，开始要求更多的政治参与和更公平的国家财富分配。然而，表面的繁荣掩盖了结构性的弱点。对世界市场和原材料的过度依赖使拉丁美洲对国际经济波动尤为敏感。1929 年的大萧条残酷地暴露了这些弱点，导致严重的经济萎缩、失业以及社会和政治动荡。 |
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| The golden era of the 1920s in Latin America, often referred to as the "Dance of Millions", was a time of unprecedented prosperity, marked by galloping economic growth and infectious optimism. The exponential rise in gross national product and the enthusiasm of foreign investors, mainly from the United States, transformed the region into a fertile ground for business opportunities and innovation. This era of prosperity was the product of a fortuitous alignment of global and regional economic factors. Post-First World War reconstruction in Europe and elsewhere stimulated demand for Latin America's natural and agricultural resources. The countries of the region, richly endowed with raw materials, saw their exports soar, bringing with them national economic expansion and prosperity. The "Dance of Millions" was not just an economic phenomenon. It permeated the social and cultural psyche of the region, instilling a sense of optimism and euphoria. Metropolises blossomed, arts and culture flourished, and there was a palpable sense that Latin America was on the verge of realising its untapped potential. However, this wild dance was also tinged with ambiguity. Prosperity was not evenly distributed, and social and economic inequalities persisted, if not worsened. The massive influx of foreign capital also raised concerns about economic dependence and foreign interference. The upturn was vulnerable, anchored in the volatility of world markets and fluctuating commodity prices.
| | 20 世纪 20 年代是拉丁美洲的黄金时代，常被称为 "百万人的舞蹈"，这是一个空前繁荣的时代，其特点是经济飞速增长和乐观情绪感染力极强。国民生产总值的指数式增长和主要来自美国的外国投资者的热情，将该地区变成了商机和创新的沃土。这一繁荣时代是全球和地区经济因素偶然结合的产物。第一次世界大战后，欧洲和其他地区的重建刺激了对拉丁美洲自然资源和农业资源的需求。该地区各国拥有丰富的原材料，其出口额激增，带来了国家经济的扩张和繁荣。百万人的舞蹈 "不仅仅是一种经济现象。它渗透到了该地区的社会和文化精神中，给人们带来了乐观和愉悦的感觉。大都市百花齐放，艺术和文化蓬勃发展，人们明显感觉到拉丁美洲即将实现其尚未开发的潜力。然而，这种狂舞也带有模糊性。繁荣并不是平均分配的，社会和经济不平等持续存在，甚至有所恶化。外国资本的大量涌入也引发了对经济依赖性和外国干涉的担忧。世界市场的动荡和商品价格的波动使经济复苏变得脆弱。 |
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| The "Dance of Millions" is an emblematic episode in Latin America's economic history, illustrating a transformation marked by an influx of foreign investment and incipient economic diversification. While the region was traditionally anchored in an export economy dominated by agricultural and mining products, global circumstances opened a window of opportunity for a significant reorientation. The First World War had forced Europe to reduce its exports, creating a vacuum that Latin America's fledgling industries rushed to fill. The continent, rich in natural resources but previously limited by low industrial capacity, embarked on an accelerated process of industrialisation. The textile, food and construction industries have enjoyed remarkable growth, signalling a transition to a more self-sufficient and diversified economy. This influx of foreign investment, combined with domestic industrial growth, has also led to rapid urbanisation. Cities have grown and expanded, and with them an urban middle class has emerged, changing the social and political landscape of the region. This new dynamic has injected vitality and diversity into the economy, but has also highlighted structural challenges and persistent inequalities. Despite the economic euphoria, continued dependence on commodity exports left the region vulnerable to external shocks. Prosperity rested on a precarious balance, and the "Dance of Millions" was both a celebration of growth and a foreshadowing of future economic vulnerabilities.
| | 百万人的舞蹈 "是拉丁美洲经济史上的一个标志性事件，说明了以外资涌入和经济多样化萌芽为特征的转型。虽然该地区传统上以农产品和矿产品为主的出口经济为基础，但全球形势为其重大调整打开了一扇机会之窗。第一次世界大战迫使欧洲减少出口，造成了一个真空地带，拉丁美洲新兴工业急于填补。拉美大陆自然资源丰富，但以前受限于工业能力低下，因此开始加速工业化进程。纺织业、食品业和建筑业取得了显著增长，标志着向更加自给自足和多元化的经济转型。外资的涌入，加上国内工业的增长，也带动了城市化的快速发展。城市不断发展壮大，城市中产阶级随之崛起，改变了该地区的社会和政治格局。这一新动态为经济注入了活力和多样性，但也凸显了结构性挑战和持续存在的不平等。尽管经济欣欣向荣，但对商品出口的持续依赖使该地区容易受到外部冲击的影响。繁荣建立在不稳定的平衡之上，"百万人的舞蹈 "既是对增长的庆祝，也预示着未来经济的脆弱性。 |
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| The post-First World War period was characterised by the rise of American imperialism in Latin America. While the European powers, notably Great Britain, were busy with post-war reconstruction, the United States seized the opportunity to extend its grip over its southern neighbourhood. This ascendancy was not simply a matter of chance, but the result of a deliberate strategy. The Monroe Doctrine, proclaimed at the beginning of the 19th century, found new relevance in this context, with its cardinal principle, "America for Americans", serving as the ideological basis for American expansion. This imperialist intrusion took various forms. Politically, the US was involved in engineering regime change, installing governments that were ideologically aligned with and economically subordinate to Washington. Direct military intervention, support for coups d'état and other forms of political interference were commonplace. Economically, American companies proliferated in the region. Their influence was not limited to the extraction of natural and agricultural resources, but also extended to the domination of local and regional markets. The concept of "banana plantations", where companies such as the United Fruit Company wielded considerable influence, has become emblematic of this era. Culturally, Latin America was exposed to intense Americanisation. American lifestyles, values and democratic ideals were promoted, often to the detriment of local traditions and identities. American hegemony in Latin America has had far-reaching implications. It has established a new regional order and redefined inter-American relations for decades to come. Although this influence has brought modernisation and development in certain sectors, it has also generated resistance, resentment and political instability. The duality of the American impact - as a catalyst for development and a source of restraint - continues to inhabit the political and cultural imagination of Latin America. The legacies of that era are still palpable today, testifying to the complexity and ambiguity of American imperialism in the region.
| | 第一次世界大战后，美帝国主义在拉丁美洲崛起。当欧洲列强，尤其是英国忙于战后重建时，美国抓住机会扩大了对其南部邻国的控制。这种优势并非偶然，而是深思熟虑的战略结果。19 世纪初宣布的门罗主义在这一背景下找到了新的现实意义，其基本原则 "美国人的美国 "成为美国扩张的意识形态基础。帝国主义入侵的形式多种多样。在政治上，美国参与了政权更迭工程，扶植意识形态上与华盛顿一致、经济上从属于华盛顿的政府。直接军事干预、支持政变和其他形式的政治干预司空见惯。在经济上，美国公司在该地区如雨后春笋般涌现。它们的影响力不仅限于开采自然资源和农业资源，还扩展到支配当地和地区市场。香蕉种植园 "的概念已成为这个时代的象征，联合果品公司等公司在这里拥有相当大的影响力。在文化方面，拉丁美洲经历了强烈的美国化。美国人的生活方式、价值观和民主理想得到了推广，这往往损害了当地的传统和特性。美国在拉丁美洲的霸权影响深远。它建立了新的地区秩序，重新定义了未来几十年的美洲关系。虽然这种影响在某些领域带来了现代化和发展，但也产生了抵触、怨恨和政治不稳定。美国影响的双重性--既是发展的催化剂，又是制约的根源--继续占据着拉丁美洲的政治和文化想象。那个时代遗留下来的影响今天仍然清晰可见，证明了美帝国主义在该地区的复杂性和模糊性。 |
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| During the "Dance of Millions", the social fabric of Latin America was reshaped and redefined by major economic and political upheavals. The transformation was visible not only in economic growth figures or rates of foreign investment, but also in the daily lives of ordinary citizens, whose lives were transformed by the currents of change sweeping across the continent. The structural change in the economy resonated deeply in society. Agriculture, once the backbone of the economy, was mechanised, reducing the need for abundant labour and exacerbating the decline of the small peasantry. Large haciendas and commercial agricultural enterprises have become dominant players, pushing many small farmers and sharecroppers off their ancestral lands. The rural exodus, a phenomenon of mass emigration from the countryside to the cities, was a visible symptom of these economic transformations. Towns that were once peaceful and manageable became bustling metropolises, and with this population growth came complex challenges relating to employment, housing and public services. Poverty and inequality, already worrying, have been exacerbated, with shanty towns and deprived neighbourhoods emerging on the outskirts of thriving urban centres. Massive European immigration, particularly to Argentina and Brazil, has added another layer of complexity to this simmering social mix. It has stimulated demographic and economic growth, but it has also intensified competition for jobs and resources, and amplified social and cultural tensions. In this context of rapid and often destabilising change, the ground was fertile for the emergence of populist ideologies. Populist leaders, with their rhetoric focused on social justice, economic equity and political reform, found a particular resonance among the disenchanted masses. For those displaced, marginalised and disillusioned by the unfulfilled promises of economic prosperity, populism offered not only answers, but also a sense of belonging and dignity.
| | 在 "百万人的舞蹈 "时期，拉丁美洲的社会结构因重大的经济和政治动荡而被重塑和重新定义。这种变革不仅体现在经济增长数字或外国投资率上，也体现在普通公民的日常生活中，席卷整个大陆的变革潮流改变了他们的生活。经济结构的变化在社会中产生了深刻的反响。曾经是经济支柱的农业实现了机械化，减少了对大量劳动力的需求，加剧了小农的衰落。大型庄园和商业性农业企业成为主导者，将许多小农和佃农赶出了祖祖辈辈生活的土地。农村人口外流，即从农村向城市大规模移民的现象，是这些经济转型的一个明显症状。昔日宁静、易于管理的城镇变成了繁华的大都市，人口增长带来了就业、住房和公共服务方面的复杂挑战。本已令人担忧的贫困和不平等现象更加严重，在繁荣的城市中心外围出现了棚户区和贫困街区。大量的欧洲移民，尤其是移民到阿根廷和巴西的欧洲移民，给这一酝酿已久的社会组合增添了另一层复杂性。它刺激了人口和经济增长，但也加剧了对工作和资源的竞争，并扩大了社会和文化矛盾。在这种快速且往往破坏稳定的变化背景下，为民粹主义意识形态的出现提供了肥沃的土壤。民粹主义领导人的言论以社会正义、经济公平和政治改革为重点，在心怀不满的群众中引起了特别的共鸣。对于那些流离失所、被边缘化、对经济繁荣的承诺无法兑现而感到失望的人来说，民粹主义不仅提供了答案，还提供了归属感和尊严。 |
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| The rapidly changing demographic structure in Latin America, resulting from accelerated industrialisation and urbanisation, embodied a significant transformation that redefined the region in many ways. The massive shift of population from rural to urban centres was not only a physical migration, but also a cultural, social and economic transition. In countries such as Argentina, Peru and Central America, the rapid decline in the percentage of the population living in rural areas highlighted the scale of the movement. Cities have become the main engines of growth, attracting large numbers of rural migrants with the promise of jobs and opportunities in the wake of industrial expansion. However, this rapid growth has also amplified existing problems and introduced new ones. Urban infrastructures, unprepared for such an influx, were often overwhelmed. Housing shortages, inadequate health and education services, and growing unemployment became persistent problems. The cities, symbols of opportunity, were also the scene of glaring inequalities and urban poverty. For traditional elites, this demographic upheaval presented a complex challenge. The old methods of governance and maintaining social order were inadequate in the face of a rapidly growing, diverse and often discontented urban population. New social, political and economic management mechanisms were needed to navigate this changing reality. This shift to an urban society also had profound political implications. The new urban arrivals, with their distinct concerns and demands, changed the political landscape. Political parties and movements that could articulate and respond to these new demands gained in importance. It was in this context that populism, with its direct appeal to the masses and its promise of social and economic reform, gained ground. The legacy of this rapid transformation is still visible today. Latin American cities are vibrant centres of culture, economy and politics, but they also face persistent challenges of poverty, inequality and governance. Migration from the countryside to the city, which has been a defining element of the "dance of the millions", continues to influence the development trajectory of Latin America, testifying to the complexity and dynamics of this diverse and rapidly evolving region.
| | 工业化和城市化的加速使拉丁美洲的人口结构迅速变化，这体现了一场重大变革，从许多方面重新定义了该地区。人口从农村向城市中心的大规模转移不仅是一种物质迁移，也是一种文化、社会和经济转型。在阿根廷、秘鲁和中美洲等国，生活在农村地区的人口比例迅速下降，凸显了人口迁移的规模。城市已成为经济增长的主要引擎，工业扩张带来的就业和机会承诺吸引了大量农村移民。然而，这种快速增长也扩大了现有的问题，并带来了新的问题。城市基础设施对如此大量的人口涌入毫无准备，往往不堪重负。住房短缺、医疗和教育服务不足以及失业率上升成为长期存在的问题。城市是机遇的象征，但同时也存在着明显的不平等和城市贫困。对于传统精英来说，人口结构的动荡带来了复杂的挑战。面对快速增长、多样化且经常不满的城市人口，旧有的治理和维护社会秩序的方法已显得力不从心。我们需要新的社会、政治和经济管理机制来应对不断变化的现实。向城市社会的转变也产生了深远的政治影响。城市新移民的独特关切和需求改变了政治格局。能够表达和回应这些新需求的政党和运动变得越来越重要。正是在这种背景下，民粹主义凭借其对大众的直接号召力以及对社会和经济改革的承诺，逐渐占据了上风。这种快速转型的影响至今仍清晰可见。拉美城市是充满活力的文化、经济和政治中心，但也面临着贫困、不平等和治理等长期挑战。从农村向城市的移民是 "百万人之舞 "的一个决定性因素，它继续影响着拉丁美洲的发展轨迹，证明了这个多样化和快速发展地区的复杂性和动态性。 |
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| The "dance of millions" was not just an economic and demographic metamorphosis; it was also marked by intellectual and ideological effervescence. The development of trade and communication networks forged closer links not only between cities and regions, but also between countries and continents. Latin America has become a melting pot where ideas and ideologies have intersected and intermingled, providing fertile ground for social and political innovation, as well as protest. Mexico, in the throes of revolution, became an exporter of progressive and nationalist ideas. At the same time, the influence of socialist and fascist Europe and Bolshevik Russia seeped in, introducing concepts and methodologies that challenged existing paradigms. Each current of thought found its followers and critics, and contributed to the richness of the region's political discourse. Immigration, particularly the arrival of Jewish immigrants fleeing persecution in Europe, added another dimension to this cultural and intellectual mosaic. They brought with them not only diverse skills and talents, but also distinct ideological and cultural perspectives, enriching social and political discourse. The traditional elites found themselves in a precarious position. Their authority, once unchallenged, was now being challenged by an increasingly diverse, educated and engaged population. Cities, centres of innovation and contestation, became arenas for heated debates about identity, governance and social justice. In this context, populism found its time and place. Populist leaders, with their ability to articulate the frustrations of the masses and present bold visions of equality and justice, gained in popularity. They have been able to navigate this tumultuous sea of ideas and ideologies, proposing concrete responses to the pressing challenges of poverty, inequality and exclusion. The "Dance of Millions" is thus revealing itself as a period of multidimensional transformation. Not only did it redefine the economy and demography of Latin America, it also ushered in an era of ideological pluralism and political dynamism that would continue to shape the region's destiny for generations to come. In this teeming context, the tensions between tradition and modernity, elites and masses, and between different ideologies, forged the distinct and complex character of Latin America as we know it today.
| | 千百万人的舞蹈 "不仅是经济和人口的蜕变，也是思想和意识形态的激荡。贸易和通信网络的发展不仅密切了城市和地区之间的联系，也密切了国家和大陆之间的联系。拉丁美洲已成为一个思想和意识形态相互交融的大熔炉，为社会和政治创新以及抗议活动提供了肥沃的土壤。处于革命阵痛中的墨西哥成为进步和民族主义思想的输出国。与此同时，欧洲社会主义和法西斯主义以及布尔什维克俄国的影响也渗透进来，引入了挑战现有范式的概念和方法。每种思潮都有自己的追随者和批评者，为丰富该地区的政治话语做出了贡献。移民，尤其是逃离欧洲迫害的犹太移民的到来，为这一文化和思想马赛克增添了另一个维度。他们不仅带来了不同的技能和才能，还带来了独特的意识形态和文化观点，丰富了社会和政治话语。传统精英的地位岌岌可危。他们曾经不受挑战的权威，现在正受到日益多样化、受教育程度越来越高、参与度越来越高的人口的挑战。城市作为创新和竞争的中心，成为关于身份认同、治理和社会正义的激烈辩论的舞台。在此背景下，民粹主义找到了自己的时代和位置。民粹主义领导人善于表达大众的不满情绪，并大胆提出平等和正义的愿景，因此大受欢迎。他们能够在思想和意识形态的汪洋大海中游刃有余，针对贫困、不平等和排斥等紧迫挑战提出具体对策。由此可见，"百万人之舞 "是一个多层面变革的时期。它不仅重新定义了拉丁美洲的经济和人口结构，还开创了一个意识形态多元化和政治动态的时代，并将在今后几代人中继续影响该地区的命运。在这一充满活力的背景下，传统与现代、精英与大众以及不同意识形态之间的紧张关系，形成了我们今天所知的拉丁美洲独特而复杂的特征。 |
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| The period characterised by the "Dance of Millions" was a critical moment when established power structures and social norms in Latin America were profoundly challenged. The combined forces of rapid industrialisation, urbanisation and the influx of foreign ideologies exposed cracks in the foundations of existing regimes and triggered a reassessment of the social and political order. The traditional elite and the Catholic Church, once unchallenged pillars of authority and influence, faced a series of unprecedented challenges. Their moral and political authority has been eroded not only by the diversification of ideas and beliefs, but also by their apparent inability to alleviate the poverty and inequality exacerbated by rapid economic transformation. New ideologies, brought by waves of immigrants and facilitated by expanding communications networks, have bypassed the traditional gatekeepers of information and knowledge. The ideas of socialism, fascism and Bolshevism, among others, found an echo among segments of the population who felt marginalised and forgotten by the existing system. The rapid growth of urban centres was another catalyst for change. Cities have become crucibles of diversity and innovation, but also epicentres of poverty and disenchantment. Newcomers to the city, detached from the traditional structures of rural life and confronted with the harsh realities of urban life, were receptive to radical ideas and reform movements. It was in this fertile ground that populist movements germinated and flourished. Populist leaders, skilled at channelling popular discontent and articulating a vision of fairness and justice, emerged as viable alternatives to traditional elites. They offered an answer, albeit a controversial one, to the pressing questions of the day: how to reconcile economic progress with social justice? How to integrate diverse ideas and identities into a coherent vision of the nation?
| | 以 "百万人的舞蹈 "为特征的时期是拉丁美洲既有权力结构和社会规范受到深刻挑战的关键时刻。快速工业化、城市化和外国意识形态涌入的综合力量暴露了现有政权基础的裂缝，引发了对社会和政治秩序的重新评估。传统精英阶层和天主教会曾经是权威和影响力不可挑战的支柱，如今却面临着一系列前所未有的挑战。他们的道德和政治权威不仅因思想和信仰的多样化而受到侵蚀，也因他们显然无力缓解因经济快速转型而加剧的贫困和不平等而受到侵蚀。移民浪潮带来的新意识形态，在不断扩大的通信网络的推动下，绕过了传统的信息和知识守门人。社会主义、法西斯主义和布尔什维主义等思想在感到被边缘化和被现有体制遗忘的人群中得到了回应。城市中心的快速发展是变革的另一个催化剂。城市已成为多样性和创新的熔炉，但同时也是贫困和失望的中心。新进城的人们脱离了传统的农村生活结构，面对残酷的城市生活现实，他们乐于接受激进的思想和改革运动。正是在这片沃土上，民粹主义运动发芽并蓬勃发展。民粹主义领导人善于引导民众的不满情绪，表达公平正义的愿景，他们的出现成为传统精英的可行替代方案。他们为当时的紧迫问题提供了答案，尽管是有争议的答案：如何协调经济进步与社会正义？如何将不同的思想和身份整合成一个统一的国家愿景？ |
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| This mass migration from the countryside to the city generated a cultural and social ferment whose repercussions still resonate in contemporary Latin America. Cities, once bastions of the urban elite and colonial traditions, have become vibrant scenes of interaction and fusion between different classes, ethnicities and cultures. In the burgeoning cities, shanty towns and working-class neighbourhoods have multiplied, housing a diverse and dynamic population. While these areas were marked by poverty and precariousness, they were also spaces of innovation, where new forms of cultural, artistic and musical expression were born. Music, art, literature and even cuisine were transformed by this fusion of traditions and influences. Each city has become a living reflection of its country's diversity. In Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires and Mexico City, the sounds, flavours and colours of rural areas have permeated urban life, creating metropolises with rich and complex identities. Traditions that were once isolated in remote villages and rural communities have blended and evolved, giving rise to unique and distinctive cultural forms. Socially, rural migrants have been confronted with the brutal reality of urban life. Adapting to an urban environment required not only an economic and professional reorientation, but also a transformation of identities and lifestyles. Old norms and values were challenged, and new arrivals had to navigate a constantly changing social landscape. However, these challenges were also vectors for change. Migrant communities have been active agents of social and cultural transformation. They introduced new norms, new values and new aspirations into urban discourse. The struggle for survival, dignity and recognition has given new impetus to social and political movements, reinforcing the demand for rights, justice and equity.
| | 从农村向城市的大规模移民引发了一场文化和社会骚动，其影响至今仍在当代拉丁美洲产生共鸣。城市曾经是城市精英和殖民传统的堡垒，如今已成为不同阶层、种族和文化之间互动和融合的活跃场所。在蓬勃发展的城市中，棚户区和工人阶级社区成倍增加，居住着多样化和充满活力的人口。虽然这些地区以贫困和不稳定为特征，但它们也是创新的空间，在这里诞生了新的文化、艺术和音乐表现形式。音乐、艺术、文学甚至美食都在这种传统和影响的融合中发生了变化。每座城市都生动地反映了本国的多样性。在里约热内卢、布宜诺斯艾利斯和墨西哥城，农村地区的声音、风味和色彩已经渗透到城市生活中，形成了具有丰富而复杂特征的大都市。曾经在偏远乡村和农村社区中孤立存在的传统已经融合和演变，形成了独特而鲜明的文化形式。在社会方面，农村移民面临着残酷的城市生活现实。要适应城市环境，不仅需要调整经济和职业方向，还需要转变身份和生活方式。旧有的规范和价值观受到挑战，新移民必须适应不断变化的社会环境。然而，这些挑战也是变革的载体。移民社区一直是社会和文化变革的积极推动者。他们在城市话语中引入了新的规范、新的价值观和新的愿望。争取生存、尊严和认可的斗争为社会和政治运动注入了新的动力，加强了对权利、正义和公平的要求。 |
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| The confrontation between the old and the new, the rural and the urban, and the traditional and the modern was at the heart of the transformation of Latin America during the period of the "Dance of Millions". Rural migrants, although marginalised and often treated with contempt by established urban residents, were in fact agents of change, catalysts for social and cultural renewal. Migration facilitated deeper national integration. Despite discrimination and hardship, migrants have woven their traditions, languages and cultures into the fabric of the metropolis. This contrasting and vibrant cultural mosaic has enabled interaction and exchange that has gradually dissolved regional and social barriers, laying the foundations for a more coherent and integrated national identity. Urbanisation has also spurred an educational revolution. Illiteracy, once widespread, began to recede in the face of the imperative of an educated and informed urban population. Education was no longer a luxury, but a necessity, and access to education opened doors to economic and social opportunities, as well as fostering active and enlightened citizenship. The advent of radio and cinema marked another important stage in this transformation. These media not only provided entertainment, but also served as channels for the dissemination of information and ideas. They captured the imagination of the masses, establishing an audience community that transcended geographical and social boundaries. Popular culture, once segmented and regional, has become national and even international. These developments eroded traditional divisions and fostered a collective identity and national consciousness. The challenges were certainly numerous, but with them came unprecedented opportunities for expression, representation and participation. Latin America was on the move, not only physically, with the migration of populations, but also socially and culturally. The years marked by the "dance of millions" turned out to be a time of contradictions. They were marked by profound inequalities and discrimination, but also by a creative effervescence and a social dynamic that laid the foundations of modern Latin American societies. In this tumultuous era, the foundations were laid for a new chapter in regional history, one in which identity, culture and nationhood would be constantly negotiated, contested and reinvented.
| | 新与旧、农村与城市、传统与现代之间的对抗是 "百万人跳舞 "时期拉丁美洲变革的核心。农村移民虽然被边缘化，经常受到城市居民的蔑视，但他们实际上是变革的推动者，是社会和文化复兴的催化剂。移民促进了更深层次的民族融合。尽管存在歧视和困难，移民还是将他们的传统、语言和文化融入了大都市的结构之中。这种对比鲜明、充满活力的马赛克文化促进了互动和交流，逐渐消解了地区和社会壁垒，为更加一致和融合的民族身份奠定了基础。城市化还引发了一场教育革命。文盲现象一度十分普遍，但随着城市人口受教育程度和知识水平的提高，文盲现象开始逐渐减少。教育不再是奢侈品，而是必需品，接受教育为人们打开了通往经济和社会机遇的大门，也培养了积极开明的公民意识。广播和电影的出现标志着这一转变的另一个重要阶段。这些媒体不仅提供娱乐，还成为传播信息和思想的渠道。它们抓住了大众的想象力，建立了一个超越地理和社会界限的受众群体。大众文化曾经是细分的、区域性的，如今已成为全国性的，甚至是国际性的。这些发展侵蚀了传统的分裂，培养了集体认同和民族意识。挑战当然很多，但随之而来的是前所未有的表达、代表和参与机会。随着人口的迁徙，拉丁美洲不仅在物质上，而且在社会和文化上都在前进。以 "百万人的舞蹈 "为标志的岁月是一个充满矛盾的时代。这个时代充满了深刻的不平等和歧视，但同时也充满了创造力和社会活力，为现代拉丁美洲社会奠定了基础。在这个动荡的时代，为地区历史的新篇章奠定了基础，在这个篇章中，身份、文化和民族性将不断被协商、争论和重塑。 |
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| The emergence of a new middle class in the 1910s and 1920s was a transformational phenomenon that overturned traditional social and political dynamics in Latin America. This new social class, more educated and economically diversified, constituted an intermediary force between the traditional elites and the working and rural classes. Characterised by relative economic independence and greater access to education, this middle class was less inclined to submit to the authority of traditional elites and foreign capital. It was the driving force behind democratic aspirations, favouring transparency, equity and participation in governance and public life. The rise of this middle class was stimulated by economic expansion, urbanisation and industrialisation. Employment opportunities in the public sector, education and small businesses have proliferated. With this economic and social growth, a stronger sense of identity and autonomy took root. These individuals were the bearers of new ideologies and perspectives. They sought political representation, access to education and social justice. Often educated, they were also consumers and disseminators of ideas and cultures, linking local and international influences. The impact of this middle class on politics was significant. It has been a catalyst for democratisation, pluralist expression and public debate. It has supported and often led reform movements that sought to rebalance power, reduce corruption and ensure that resources and opportunities were more equitably distributed. Culturally, this new middle class was at the heart of the emergence of a distinct national culture. They were the creators and consumers of a literature, art, music and cinema that reflected the specific realities, challenges and aspirations of their respective nations.
| | 1910 年代和 1920 年代新中产阶级的出现是一种变革现象，颠覆了拉丁美洲传统的社会和政治动态。这个新的社会阶层受教育程度更高，经济更加多元化，是传统精英与工人和农村阶级之间的中间力量。这个中产阶级的特点是经济相对独立，受教育机会更多，不太愿意屈从于传统精英和外国资本的权威。它是民主愿望背后的推动力，主张治理和公共生活的透明、公平和参与。经济扩张、城市化和工业化刺激了这一中产阶级的崛起。公共部门、教育和小型企业的就业机会激增。随着经济和社会的发展，一种更强烈的身份认同感和自主意识逐渐扎根。这些人是新的意识形态和观点的传播者。他们寻求政治代表权、受教育机会和社会公正。他们通常受过教育，也是思想和文化的消费者和传播者，将本地和国际影响联系在一起。中产阶级对政治的影响是巨大的。它是民主化、多元化表达和公共辩论的催化剂。他们支持并经常领导改革运动，寻求重新平衡权力、减少腐败并确保资源和机会得到更公平的分配。在文化方面，这一新兴中产阶级是独特民族文化兴起的核心。他们是文学、艺术、音乐和电影的创造者和消费者，反映了各自国家的具体现实、挑战和愿望。 |
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| The influx of these young university students breathed renewed vigour and intensity into the academic and cultural atmosphere of Latin American countries. These students, armed with curiosity, ambition and a heightened awareness of their role in a rapidly changing society, were often at the forefront of intellectual innovation and social change. The university became a fertile ground for the exchange of ideas, debate and protest. Classrooms and campuses were spaces where traditional ideas were challenged and emerging paradigms explored and shaped. Issues of governance, civil rights, national identity and social justice were frequently discussed and debated with renewed passion and intensity. Students at the time were not passive spectators; they were actively engaged in politics and society. Many were influenced by a variety of ideologies, including socialism, Marxism, nationalism and other currents of thought that were circulating vigorously in a post-First World War world. Universities became centres of activism, where theory and practice met and intermingled. The economic context also played a crucial role in this transformation. With the rise of the middle class, higher education was no longer the exclusive preserve of the elite. A growing number of middle-class families aspired to offer their children educational opportunities that would pave the way to a better life, marked by economic security and social mobility. This diversification of the student population also led to a diversification of perspectives and aspirations. Students were driven by a desire to play an active part in building their nations, defining their identities and shaping their futures. They were aware of their potential as agents of change and were determined to play a part in transforming their societies.
| | 这些年轻大学生的涌入为拉美国家的学术和文化氛围注入了新的活力和激情。这些学生充满好奇心和雄心壮志，对自己在瞬息万变的社会中所扮演的角色有了更深刻的认识，他们往往站在知识创新和社会变革的最前沿。大学成为思想交流、辩论和抗议的沃土。教室和校园是挑战传统观念、探索和塑造新兴模式的场所。治理、民权、国家认同和社会正义等问题经常被讨论和辩论，并重新焕发出激情和活力。当时的学生并不是被动的旁观者，他们积极参与政治和社会活动。许多人受到了各种意识形态的影响，包括社会主义、马克思主义、民族主义和其他在一战后世界中蓬勃发展的思潮。大学成为了理论与实践交汇和融合的活动中心。经济环境在这一转变中也发挥了至关重要的作用。随着中产阶级的崛起，高等教育不再是精英阶层的专利。越来越多的中产阶级家庭渴望为子女提供受教育的机会，从而为他们的美好生活铺平道路，使其具有经济保障和社会流动性。学生群体的多样化也导致了观点和愿望的多样化。学生们渴望积极参与国家建设、确定自己的身份和塑造自己的未来。他们意识到自己作为变革推动者的潜力，决心在社会变革中发挥作用。 |
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| The year 1918 marked a significant turning point in the political involvement of students in Latin America. Inspired and galvanised by a mixture of local and international dynamics, they became active political players, speaking out boldly on crucial issues affecting their nations. This rise in student activism was not limited to conventional politics, but also embraced issues such as education, social justice and civil rights. University autonomy was at the heart of their demands. They aspired to higher education institutions free from external political and ideological influences, where free thought, innovation and critical debate could flourish. For them, the university was to be a sanctuary of learning and intellectual exploration, a place where young minds could train, question and innovate without constraint. Diverse ideologies fuelled the energy and passion of these young players. The Mexican revolution, with its vibrant call for justice, equality and reform, resonated deeply. Indigenism, with its focus on the rights and dignity of indigenous peoples, added another layer of complexity and urgency to their cause. Socialism and anarchism offered alternative visions of social and economic order. These students did not see themselves simply as passive recipients of education. They saw themselves as active partners, catalysts for change, builders of a more just and equitable future. They were convinced that education should be a tool for emancipation, not just for them but for society as a whole, particularly for the working classes and the marginalised. Their actions and their voices reached beyond the walls of the universities. They have engaged in a wider dialogue with society, stimulating public debate and influencing policy. Their demands and actions revealed a deep thirst for reform, a desire to dismantle oppressive structures and build nations based on equity, justice and inclusion.
| | 1918 年是拉丁美洲学生参与政治的一个重要转折点。在当地和国际动态的双重鼓舞和激励下，他们成为积极的政治参与者，就影响其国家的关键问题大胆发言。学生激进主义的兴起并不局限于传统政治，还包括教育、社会正义和公民权利等问题。大学自治是他们的核心诉求。他们向往不受外部政治和意识形态影响的高等教育机构，在那里，自由思想、创新和批判性辩论能够蓬勃发展。对他们而言，大学是学习和知识探索的圣地，是年轻人可以不受束缚地进行培训、质疑和创新的地方。多样化的意识形态激发了这些年轻人的活力和激情。墨西哥革命对正义、平等和改革的强烈呼吁引起了强烈共鸣。土著主义关注土著人民的权利和尊严，为他们的事业增添了另一层复杂性和紧迫性。社会主义和无政府主义为社会和经济秩序提供了另一种视角。这些学生并不只是被动地接受教育。他们认为自己是积极的伙伴，是变革的催化剂，是更加公正和公平的未来的建设者。他们深信，教育应该成为解放的工具，不仅是他们自己的解放，也是整个社会的解放，尤其是工人阶级和边缘化群体的解放。他们的行动和声音超越了大学的围墙。他们与社会进行了更广泛的对话，激发了公众辩论，影响了政策。他们的要求和行动揭示了对改革的深切渴求，对拆除压迫性结构和建设基于公平、正义和包容的国家的渴望。 |
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| The early twentieth century in Latin America was marked by a proliferation of social movements, and in particular the strengthening of the workers' movement. In the wake of rapid industrialisation and social change, workers in the emerging industries found themselves in often precarious working conditions, stimulating an urgent need for solidarity and mobilisation to improve their living and working conditions. The 1920s saw a marked increase in trade union organisation. Encouraged by socialist, anarchist and communist ideas, and often guided by European immigrants who were themselves influenced by labour movements in Europe, Latin American workers began to see the value and power of collective action. They recognised that their rights and interests could be protected and promoted effectively through unified and structured organisations. Sectors such as mining, manufacturing, oil and other heavy industries became strongholds of the labour movement. Faced with difficult working conditions, long hours, inadequate pay and little or no social protection, workers in these sectors were particularly receptive to calls for unity and mobilisation. Strikes, demonstrations and other forms of direct action became common ways for workers to express their demands and challenge exploitation and injustice. Trade unions were crucial platforms, not only for collective bargaining and the defence of workers' rights, but also as spaces for solidarity, political education and the construction of class identity. This movement was not isolated; it was intrinsically linked to broader political movements within Latin American countries and beyond. Left-wing ideologies helped to shape the discourse and demands of workers, injecting a profound political dimension into their struggles. These dynamics have contributed to a profound socio-political transformation in Latin America. Workers, once marginalised and powerless, have become important political players. Their struggles have contributed to the emergence of more inclusive policies, the broadening of citizenship, and the advancement of social and economic rights.
| | 二十世纪初，拉丁美洲社会运动蓬勃发展，工人运动尤其得到加强。在快速工业化和社会变革之后，新兴行业的工人发现自己的工作条件往往岌岌可危，因此迫切需要团结和动员起来，改善他们的生活和工作条件。20 世纪 20 年代，工会组织显著增加。在社会主义、无政府主义和共产主义思想的鼓励下，并往往在受到欧洲劳工运动影响的欧洲移民的引导下，拉美工人开始认识到集体行动的价值和力量。他们认识到，通过统一和有组织的组织，可以有效地保护和促进他们的权益。采矿、制造、石油和其他重工业等行业成为工人运动的据点。面对艰苦的工作条件、漫长的工作时间、不足的工资以及很少或根本没有社会保障，这些行业的工人特别容易接受团结和动员的号召。罢工、示威和其他形式的直接行动成为工人表达诉求、挑战剥削和不公正的常见方式。工会不仅是集体谈判和捍卫工人权利的重要平台，也是团结、政治教育和构建阶级认同的空间。这场运动并不是孤立的，它与拉美国家内外更广泛的政治运动有着内在的联系。左翼意识形态帮助塑造了工人的言论和要求，为他们的斗争注入了深刻的政治内涵。这些动态促成了拉丁美洲深刻的社会政治变革。曾经被边缘化和无权无势的工人已成为重要的政治参与者。他们的斗争推动了更具包容性政策的出现、公民权的扩大以及社会和经济权利的进步。 |
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| During this tumultuous period, the army became not only a defence and security institution, but also a crucial political player in Latin America. Military forces emerged as dynamic agents of change, often in reaction to governments perceived as incapable of responding to the growing social and economic demands of diverse populations. Military coups proliferated, often led by ambitious officers inspired by a desire for reform and a desire to establish order and stability. These interventions were sometimes welcomed by segments of the population frustrated by the corruption, incompetence and inefficiency of civilian leaders. However, they also introduced new dynamics of power and authoritarianism, with complex implications for governance, human rights and development. At the heart of this military emergence was an inherent tension. The military was often seen as an agent of modernisation and progress, bringing determined leadership and necessary reform. At the same time, their rise implied a centralisation of power and a potential repression of civil and political liberties. In countries like Mexico and Brazil, the army's influence was palpable. Figures like Getúlio Vargas in Brazil embodied the complexity of this era. They introduced significant economic and social reforms and capitalised on popular discontent, but they also ruled through authoritarian methods. The military's incursion into politics was interconnected with wider economic and social dynamics. The Great Depression of 1929 exacerbated existing tensions, putting economies and societies to the test. Populist ideologies gained ground, offering simple and seductive answers to complex and structural problems.
| | 在这一动荡时期，军队不仅成为国防和安全机构，也成为拉丁美洲重要的政治角色。军队成为变革的能动推动者，往往是对被认为无法满足不同人群日益增长的社会和经济需求的政府的反应。军事政变层出不穷，领导政变的往往是雄心勃勃的军官，他们渴望改革，渴望建立秩序和稳定。这些干预措施有时受到因文职领导人腐败、无能和低效而感到沮丧的部分民众的欢迎。然而，它们也带来了新的权力和专制动态，对治理、人权和发展产生了复杂的影响。军队崛起的核心是一种内在的紧张关系。军队往往被视为现代化和进步的推动者，带来坚定的领导和必要的改革。与此同时，军队的崛起也意味着权力的集中以及对公民和政治自由的潜在压制。在墨西哥和巴西等国，军队的影响力是显而易见的。巴西的热图利奥-瓦加斯（Getúlio Vargas）等人体现了这个时代的复杂性。他们推行了重大的经济和社会改革，利用了民众的不满情绪，但同时也通过独裁手段进行统治。军方对政治的入侵与更广泛的经济和社会动态相互关联。1929 年的大萧条加剧了现有的紧张局势，使经济和社会面临考验。民粹主义意识形态大行其道，为复杂的结构性问题提供了简单而诱人的答案。 |
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| This detachment of the military from the influence and control of traditional institutions in Latin America can be attributed to several key factors. On the one hand, the growing complexity of socio-economic and political problems required a more robust and often authoritarian approach to maintaining order and stability. On the other hand, the desire for rapid modernisation and structural reform pushed the army to position itself as an autonomous and powerful political actor. The erosion of the influence of traditional political parties and the Catholic Church has been exacerbated by their difficulties in responding to the changing needs and aspirations of a growing and increasingly urbanised population. The discrediting of traditional elites and institutions left a vacuum that the army was ready to fill, presenting itself as a bastion of order, discipline and efficiency. Coups d'état and military interventions became common instruments for readjusting the political course of nations. The justification for these interventions was often based on the pretext of endemic corruption, the incompetence of civilians in power and the need for a firm hand to guide the country towards modernisation and progress. The doctrine of national security, which emphasised internal stability and the fight against communism and other "internal threats", also played a central role in the politicisation of the army. This doctrine, often fuelled and supported by external influences, notably from the United States, led to a series of authoritarian regimes and military dictatorships in the region. However, the emergence of the army as a dominant political force was not without consequences. Although often initially welcomed for their promise of reform and order, many military regimes have been marked by repression, human rights abuses and authoritarianism. The promise of stability and progress was often balanced against a diminution of civil and political liberties.
| | 军队脱离拉丁美洲传统机构的影响和控制可归因于几个关键因素。一方面，社会经济和政治问题日趋复杂，需要一种更强有力的、往往是独裁的方式来维持秩序和稳定。另一方面，对快速现代化和结构改革的渴望促使军队将自己定位为自主和强大的政治行为体。传统政党和天主教会难以满足日益增长和日益城市化的人口不断变化的需求和愿望，这加剧了其影响力的削弱。传统精英和机构的声誉扫地，留下了一个真空地带，而军队则随时准备填补，以秩序、纪律和效率的堡垒自居。政变和军事干预成为调整国家政治进程的常用手段。干预的理由往往是腐败盛行、文官执政无能，以及需要一只强有力的手来引导国家走向现代化和进步。国家安全理论强调国内稳定，打击共产主义和其他 "国内威胁"，在军队政治化的过程中也发挥了核心作用。这种理论往往受到外部影响（尤其是美国）的推波助澜和支持，导致该地区出现了一系列独裁政权和军事独裁。然而，军队成为一支占主导地位的政治力量并非没有后果。虽然许多军事政权最初往往因其改革和秩序的承诺而受到欢迎，但其特点却是镇压、侵犯人权和独裁。稳定和进步的承诺往往与公民和政治自由的减少相抵消。 |
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| The emergence of the military as a new political force in Latin America was symbiotic with the rise of the middle class. Military officers, often from modest backgrounds, saw their social and political rise parallel to the expansion and affirmation of the middle class in the national context. The expanded role of the army was not limited to governance and politics; it also extended to economic development. Officers saw the military institution as an effective and disciplined mechanism for driving rapid economic modernisation, combating endemic corruption and establishing effective governance, characteristics often seen as lacking in previous civilian administrations. The vision of the army transcended the simple maintenance of order and security. It encompassed an ambition to transform the nation, catalyse industrialisation, modernise infrastructure and promote balanced economic development. This perspective was often rooted in a nationalist ideology, aimed at reducing dependence on foreign powers and asserting national sovereignty and autonomy. In this configuration, the army was positioned as an institution capable of transcending partisan divisions, sectoral interests and regional rivalries. It promised unity, clear leadership and a commitment to the common good, qualities seen as essential for navigating the tumultuous economic and political waters of the 1920s and beyond. However, this new dynamic also raised critical questions about the nature of democracy, the separation of powers and civil rights in Latin America. The predominance of the military in politics and the economy created a context in which authoritarianism and militarism could flourish, often to the detriment of political and civil liberties.
| | 军队作为一支新的政治力量在拉丁美洲的出现与中产阶级的崛起是共生的。军官通常出身贫寒，他们在社会和政治上的崛起与中产阶级在国家范围内的扩张和肯定是并行不悖的。军队作用的扩大不仅限于治理和政治，还延伸到了经济发展。在军官们看来，军事机构是推动经济快速现代化、打击地方腐败和建立有效治理的有效且纪律严明的机制，而这些特点往往被认为是以前的文职政府所缺乏的。军队的愿景超越了简单的维持秩序和安全。它包含了改造国家、推动工业化、实现基础设施现代化和促进经济平衡发展的雄心壮志。这种观点往往植根于民族主义意识形态，旨在减少对外国势力的依赖，维护国家主权和自主权。在这种格局下，军队被定位为能够超越党派分歧、部门利益和地区竞争的机构。它承诺团结、明确的领导和对共同利益的承诺，这些品质被视为在 20 世纪 20 年代及其后动荡的经济和政治环境中航行的基本要素。然而，这一新动态也对拉丁美洲的民主性质、三权分立和公民权利提出了严峻的问题。军方在政治和经济中的主导地位为专制主义和军国主义的蓬勃发展创造了环境，而这往往会损害政治和公民自由。 |
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| The increased involvement of the military in Latin American politics was not an isolated dynamic; it was part of a wider socio-political transformation that challenged traditional power structures and opened up spaces for wider participation. Although military intervention was often associated with authoritarianism, it paradoxically coincided with a widening of the political sphere in certain regions and contexts. One of the most notable manifestations of this opening up was the gradual inclusion of previously marginalised groups. The working class, which had long been excluded from political decision-making, began to find its voice. Trade unions and workers' movements played a crucial role in this development, fighting for workers' rights, economic equity and social justice. At the same time, women also began to claim their place in the public sphere. Feminist movements and women's rights groups emerged, challenging traditional gender norms and fighting for gender equality, the right to vote and fair representation in all spheres of social, economic and political life. These changes were influenced by a multitude of factors. Democratic and egalitarian ideas circulated more and more freely, carried by modernisation, education and global communications. International social and political movements also played a role, with ideas and ideals transcending national boundaries and influencing local discourses. This expansion of democracy and participation was not uniform, however. It was often in tension with authoritarian and conservative forces and depended on the specific dynamics of each country. The gains were contested and fragile, and the trajectory of democratisation was far from linear.
| | 军方越来越多地参与拉美政治并不是一种孤立的动态；它是更广泛的社会政治变革的一部分，这种变革对传统的权力结构提出了挑战，并为更广泛的参与开辟了空间。尽管军事干预往往与专制主义联系在一起，但矛盾的是，在某些地区和背景下，军事干预与政治领域的扩大同时发生。这种开放最显著的表现之一就是以前被边缘化的群体逐渐被纳入其中。长期被排除在政治决策之外的工人阶级开始发出自己的声音。工会和工人运动在这一发展中发挥了关键作用，为工人权利、经济公平和社会正义而战。与此同时，妇女也开始争取自己在公共领域的地位。女权运动和女权团体应运而生，它们挑战传统的性别规范，争取性别平等、选举权以及在社会、经济和政治生活各个领域的公平代表权。这些变化受到多种因素的影响。在现代化、教育和全球通信的推动下，民主和平等主义思想越来越自由地传播。国际社会和政治运动也发挥了作用，各种思想和理想超越国界，影响着当地的言论。然而，民主和参与的扩大并不是一成不变的。它往往与专制和保守势力形成紧张关系，并取决于每个国家的具体动态。所取得的成果是有争议的、脆弱的，民主化的轨迹也远非线性的。 |
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| The incorporation of emerging technologies, such as film and radio, into Latin American politics coincided with a rise in far-right ideologies in the region. This coalescence created a dynamic where political messages, particularly those aligned with conservative and authoritarian visions, could be amplified and disseminated in unprecedented ways. The far right gained influence, fuelled by fears of social instability, economic tensions and an aversion to left-wing ideologies perceived as a threat to the existing social and economic order. The political and military leaders of this movement have exploited new media technologies to propagate their ideologies, reach and mobilise support bases, and influence public opinion. Radio and film became powerful tools for shaping political and social consciousness. Messages could be designed and broadcast in ways that aroused emotion, reinforced collective identities and articulated specific worldviews. Charismatic personalities used these media to build their image, communicate directly with the masses and shape public discourse. However, this expansion of media influence has also raised critical questions about propaganda, manipulation and the concentration of media power. The far right, in particular, has often been associated with tactics of information manipulation, media control and suppression of dissenting voices. The impact of these dynamics on democracy and civil society in Latin America was considerable. On the one hand, the increased accessibility of information and the greater mobilisation capacity of radio and film played a role in the democratisation of the public sphere. On the other hand, the strategic use of these technologies by extreme right-wing forces has contributed to the entrenchment and spread of authoritarian ideologies. In this complex context, the political and media landscape of Latin America has become a contested terrain. Struggles over the control of information, the definition of truth and the shaping of public opinion have been intrinsically linked to issues of power, authority and democracy in the region. The resonances of this era of emerging communication and ideological polarisation continue to influence the political and social dynamics of Latin America to this day.
| | 电影和广播等新兴技术融入拉美政治的同时，极右翼意识形态也在该地区抬头。这种融合创造了一种动态，使政治信息，尤其是那些与保守和独裁理念相一致的信息，能够以前所未有的方式得到放大和传播。对社会不稳定、经济紧张局势的担忧，以及对被视为对现有社会和经济秩序构成威胁的左翼意识形态的反感，使极右翼获得了影响力。这场运动的政治和军事领导人利用新媒体技术来宣传他们的意识形态，接触和动员支持群体，并影响公众舆论。广播和电影成为塑造政治和社会意识的有力工具。信息的设计和播出方式可以唤起人们的情感、强化集体身份并阐明特定的世界观。有魅力的人物利用这些媒体树立自己的形象，直接与大众沟通，并塑造公共话语。然而，媒体影响力的扩大也引发了有关宣传、操纵和媒体权力集中的批判性问题。特别是极右翼分子，他们往往采取信息操纵、媒体控制和压制不同声音的策略。这些动态对拉丁美洲的民主和公民社会产生了相当大的影响。一方面，信息获取渠道的增加以及广播和电影动员能力的提高在公共领域的民主化方面发挥了作用。另一方面，极右翼势力对这些技术的战略性使用也助长了专制意识形态的巩固和传播。在这种复杂的背景下，拉美的政治和媒体版图已成为一片充满争议的土地。对信息的控制、真理的定义和公众舆论的塑造与该地区的权力、权威和民主问题有着内在的联系。这一新兴传播和意识形态两极分化时代的共鸣至今仍在影响着拉丁美洲的政治和社会动态。 |
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| = Latin American populism = | | = 拉丁美洲民粹主义 = |
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| Latin American populism from the 1920s to the 1950s was a complex phenomenon, uniting diverse masses around charismatic figures who promised radical change and the satisfaction of the people's needs. These popular movements drew on widespread discontent resulting from growing socio-economic inequalities, injustice and the marginalisation of large sections of the population. Populist leaders such as Getúlio Vargas in Brazil, Juan Perón in Argentina and Lázaro Cárdenas in Mexico capitalised on these frustrations. They created direct connections with their constituencies, often bypassing traditional institutions and elites, and introduced a leader-centred style of governance. Their rhetoric was imbued with themes of social justice, nationalism and economic redistribution. The period from the 1930s to the 1950s was particularly turbulent. Populist movements faced fierce opposition from conservative forces and the military. Coups d'état were commonplace, an indication of the tension between popular forces and the traditional, authoritarian elements of society. However, populism has left an indelible legacy. Firstly, it broadened political participation. Segments of the population that had previously been excluded from the political process were mobilised and integrated into national politics. Secondly, it anchored themes of social and economic justice in political discourse. Although the methods and policies of populist leaders were challenged, they highlighted issues of equity, inclusion and rights that would continue to resonate in Latin American politics. Third, it helped forge a political identity around nationalism and sovereignty. In response to foreign influence and economic imbalances, populists cultivated a vision of national development and dignity. However, Latin American populism at this time was also associated with considerable challenges. The cult of the leader and the centralisation of power often limited the development of robust democratic institutions. Moreover, although these movements carried messages of inclusion, they sometimes generated polarisation and deep conflict within societies. Populism continues to be a key feature of Latin American politics. Its forms, actors and discourses have evolved, but the fundamental themes of justice, inclusion and nationalism that it introduced continue to influence the political landscape, and still resonate in contemporary debates and conflicts in the region.
| | 20 世纪 20 年代至 50 年代的拉美民粹主义是一种复杂的现象，它将不同的群众团结在有魅力的人物周围，这些人物承诺进行彻底变革并满足人民的需求。由于社会经济不平等、不公正和大部分人口被边缘化的现象日益加剧，人们普遍感到不满，因此这些民众运动便应运而生。巴西的热图利奥-瓦加斯、阿根廷的胡安-庇隆和墨西哥的拉萨罗-卡德纳斯等民粹主义领导人利用了这些不满情绪。他们往往绕过传统机构和精英，与选民建立直接联系，并引入了以领袖为中心的治理风格。他们的言论充满了社会正义、民族主义和经济再分配的主题。20 世纪 30 年代至 50 年代这一时期尤为动荡。民粹主义运动遭到保守势力和军方的激烈反对。政变屡见不鲜，这表明了民众力量与传统专制社会之间的紧张关系。然而，民粹主义留下了不可磨灭的遗产。首先，它扩大了政治参与。以前被排除在政治进程之外的部分人口被动员起来，融入国家政治。其次，它将社会和经济正义的主题融入政治话语。虽然民粹主义领导人的方法和政策受到了挑战，但他们强调的公平、包容和权利问题将继续在拉美政治中产生共鸣。第三，它有助于围绕民族主义和主权形成一种政治认同。为了应对外国影响和经济失衡，民粹主义者提出了国家发展和尊严的愿景。然而，此时的拉美民粹主义也面临着相当大的挑战。对领袖的崇拜和权力的集中往往限制了健全的民主体制的发展。此外，尽管这些运动传递着包容的信息，但有时也会在社会内部造成两极分化和深刻冲突。民粹主义仍然是拉美政治的一个主要特征。民粹主义的形式、参与者和言论都在不断演变，但其提出的正义、包容和民族主义等基本主题仍在影响着政治格局，并在该地区的当代辩论和冲突中产生共鸣。 |
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| Juan Domingo Perón is one of the emblematic figures of Latin American populism, although he was not its initiator. When Perón came to power in Argentina in the 1940s, populism was already a major political force in Latin America, characterised by charismatic figures, an orientation towards social and economic justice and a massive base of support among the working classes. Perón capitalised on this existing movement and adapted it to the particular context of Argentina. His rise to power can be attributed to a combination of factors, including his role in the existing military government, his personal charisma and his ability to mobilise a wide range of social groups around his political programme. The Peronist doctrine, or 'justicialism', combined elements of socialism, nationalism and capitalism to create a unique and distinct 'third way'. Perón promoted the welfare of workers and introduced substantial social and economic reforms. His policies aimed to balance workers' rights, social justice and economic productivity. The first lady, Eva Perón, or "Evita", also played a central role in Peronist populism. She was a beloved figure who consolidated popular support for the Peronist regime. Evita was known for her devotion to the poor and her role in promoting women's rights, including the right of women to vote in Argentina. So, although Perón was riding a wave of populism that already existed in Latin America, he left his own indelible mark. Peronism continued to shape Argentine politics for decades, reflecting the persistent tensions between populist and elite forces, social inclusion and economic stability, and nationalism and internationalism in the region. Perón's legacy demonstrates the complexity of populism in Latin America. It is a phenomenon rooted in specific historical, social and economic contexts, capable of adapting and transforming itself in response to the changing dynamics of regional politics and society.
| | 胡安-多明戈-贝隆是拉丁美洲民粹主义的代表人物之一，尽管他并不是民粹主义的发起者。20 世纪 40 年代贝隆在阿根廷上台执政时，民粹主义已成为拉丁美洲的一股主要政治力量，其特点是人物魅力十足、以社会和经济正义为导向，并在工人阶级中拥有庞大的支持基础。贝隆利用了这一现有运动，并根据阿根廷的特殊国情对其进行了调整。他的上台可归因于多种因素，包括他在现有军政府中的角色、他的个人魅力以及他围绕其政治纲领动员广泛社会群体的能力。贝隆主义或 "正义主义 "结合了社会主义、民族主义和资本主义的元素，创造了一种独特而鲜明的 "第三条道路"。贝隆促进了工人的福利，并推行了实质性的社会和经济改革。他的政策旨在平衡工人权利、社会公正和经济生产力。第一夫人伊娃-贝隆（或称 "艾薇塔"）也在贝隆民粹主义中发挥了核心作用。她是一位备受爱戴的人物，巩固了民众对庇隆政权的支持。埃维塔以其对穷人的奉献精神和在促进妇女权利（包括阿根廷妇女的选举权）方面的作用而闻名。因此，虽然贝隆乘着拉丁美洲已经存在的民粹主义浪潮，但他也留下了自己不可磨灭的印记。贝隆主义几十年来一直影响着阿根廷的政治，反映了该地区民粹主义与精英力量、社会包容与经济稳定、民族主义与国际主义之间持续存在的紧张关系。贝隆的遗产表明了拉丁美洲民粹主义的复杂性。它是一种根植于特定历史、社会和经济背景的现象，能够随着地区政治和社会动态的变化而自我调整和转变。 |
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| The populism that emerged in Latin America in the 1920s and 1930s was an attempt to unite the working class under a political banner while preserving existing social and political structures. It was a movement that sought to bridge different social classes, offering a voice to workers, rural migrants and the petty bourgeoisie while avoiding a radical transformation of the social order. The state played a central role as mediator in this type of populism. It acted as an intermediary to harmonise the often conflicting interests of different social groups. Populist governments were recognised for their ability to introduce social and economic programmes that responded to the immediate concerns of the masses. In this way, they sought to build and strengthen their legitimacy and win popular support. Charismatic leadership was another distinctive feature of populism in this period. Populist leaders, often endowed with remarkable personal charm, established a direct connection with the masses. They tended to bypass traditional political channels, presenting themselves as the true representatives of the people, and were often perceived as such by their supporters. However, despite these advances in terms of popular mobilisation and political engagement, the populism of this period did not seek to fundamentally overturn the existing social order. Power structures, although contested and modified, largely remained in place. Populist leaders made significant changes, but they also exercised caution to avoid radical ruptures that could lead to major instability. The evolution of populism in Latin America was the product of tensions between the imperatives of social inclusion and the realities of an entrenched social and political order. Each country in the region, while sharing common features of populism, manifested the phenomenon in a way that reflected its specific challenges, contradictions and opportunities.
| | 20 世纪二三十年代在拉丁美洲出现的民粹主义试图在维护现有社会和政治结构的同时，将工人阶级团结在一面政治旗帜之下。这场运动试图弥合不同的社会阶层，为工人、农村移民和小资产阶级提供发言权，同时避免对社会秩序进行彻底变革。在这种民粹主义中，国家扮演着中间人的核心角色。国家作为中间人，协调不同社会群体往往相互冲突的利益。民粹主义政府被公认为有能力推行社会和经济计划，以回应群众的切身利益。通过这种方式，他们寻求建立和加强自身的合法性，赢得民众的支持。魅力型领导是这一时期民粹主义的另一个显著特点。民粹主义领导人往往具有非凡的个人魅力，能够与群众建立直接联系。他们往往绕过传统的政治渠道，以人民的真正代表自居，他们的支持者也往往这样认为。然而，尽管在民众动员和政治参与方面取得了这些进步，这一时期的民粹主义并不寻求从根本上推翻现有的社会秩序。权力结构虽然受到争论和修改，但在很大程度上依然存在。民粹主义领导人进行了重大变革，但他们也谨慎行事，避免出现可能导致重大不稳定的激进断裂。民粹主义在拉丁美洲的演变是社会包容的必要性与根深蒂固的社会和政治秩序现实之间紧张关系的产物。该地区的每个国家虽然都有民粹主义的共同特征，但其表现方式反映了其具体的挑战、矛盾和机遇。 |
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| Urban dynamics in Latin America, marked by rapid growth in urban populations and increased mobilisation of the working and middle classes, were perceived as a threat to the traditional social order. The new urban groups, with their distinct concerns and aspirations, had the potential to become radicalised, challenging the hegemony of the elites and posing significant challenges to the established order. In this context, populism emerged as a strategy for mitigating these threats while allowing a degree of social mobility and integration. Rather than opting for class struggle, an approach that could have led to a major social and political rupture, populist leaders adopted a rhetoric of national unity and solidarity. They advocated a corporatist state, in which each sector of society, each "corporation", had a specific role to play as part of an orchestrated social harmony. In this model, the state assumed a central, paternalistic role, guiding and managing the "national family" through hierarchical governance. Vertical patronage coalitions were essential to guarantee the loyalty and cooperation of different groups, ensuring that the social order remained in balance, even if dynamic. This populism, while responding to certain aspirations of the urban masses, therefore had the ultimate aim of containing and channelling their energies within an adjusted but preserved social order. Change was necessary, but it had to be carefully managed to avoid social revolution. This approach contributed to political stability, but it also limited the potential for radical social transformation and a profound challenge to structural inequalities. It was a delicate dance between inclusion and control, reform and preservation, characteristic of the Latin American political landscape at the time.[[File:Rafael_Molina_Trujillo.jpg|thumb|100px|Rafael Molina Trujillo.]]
| | 拉丁美洲的城市发展以城市人口的快速增长和工人阶级和中产阶级的日益动员为标志，被视为对传统社会秩序的威胁。新的城市群体有着与众不同的关切和愿望，有可能变得激进，挑战精英的霸权，对既有秩序构成重大挑战。在这种情况下，民粹主义应运而生，成为一种既能缓解这些威胁，又能实现一定程度的社会流动和融合的策略。民粹主义领导人没有选择阶级斗争这种可能导致重大社会和政治分裂的方式，而是采用了民族团结和国家统一的言论。他们主张建立一个企业主义国家，在这个国家中，社会的每一个部门、每一个 "企业 "都在精心策划的社会和谐中扮演着特定的角色。在这种模式中，国家扮演着家长式的核心角色，通过分级管理来指导和管理 "民族大家庭"。纵向赞助联盟对于保证不同群体的忠诚与合作至关重要，从而确保社会秩序保持平衡，即使是动态平衡。因此，这种民粹主义在满足城市大众某些愿望的同时，其最终目的是在一个经过调整但仍能维持的社会秩序中控制和引导他们的能量。变革是必要的，但必须谨慎管理，以避免社会革命。这种做法有助于政治稳定，但也限制了激进的社会变革和对结构性不平等的深刻挑战。这是在包容与控制、改革与维护之间的微妙舞蹈，是当时拉丁美洲政治格局的特点。[[File:Rafael_Molina_Trujillo.jpg|thumb|100px|拉斐尔-莫利纳-特鲁希略]] |
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| Populism in Latin America was often embodied in the figure of a charismatic leader who distinguished himself by his ability to establish a deep and powerful emotional bond with the masses. These leaders were more than politicians; they were living symbols of the aspirations and desires of their people. Their charisma lay not just in their eloquence or their presence, but in their ability to resonate with the everyday experiences and challenges of the working classes. Masculinity and strength were salient features of these populist figures. They embodied a form of machismo, a vigour and determination that were not only attractive but also reassuring to an audience looking for direction and stability in often tumultuous times. Authoritarianism was not seen negatively in this context, but rather as a sign of determination and the ability to take difficult decisions for the good of the people. These charismatic leaders were cleverly positioned, or positioned themselves, as the embodiment of the popular will. They presented themselves as quasi-messianic figures, champions of the disadvantaged and voices of the voiceless. They went beyond traditional politics and transcended institutional divisions to speak directly to the people, creating a direct, almost intimate relationship. In this environment, the emotional bond forged between the leader and the masses was crucial. This was not based on detailed political programmes or rigid ideologies, but on emotional and symbolic alchemy. The leader was seen as one of them, someone who deeply understood their needs, their suffering and their hopes.
| | 拉丁美洲的民粹主义往往体现在一位魅力十足的领导人身上，他以能够与群众建立深厚而强大的情感纽带而脱颖而出。这些领导人不仅仅是政治家，他们还是人民愿望和渴望的生动象征。他们的魅力不仅在于他们的口才或风采，还在于他们能够与工人阶级的日常经历和挑战产生共鸣。男性气质和力量是这些民粹主义人物的显著特征。他们体现了一种大男子主义，他们的活力和决心不仅具有吸引力，而且还能让那些在动荡时代寻求方向和稳定的受众感到安心。在这种情况下，专制主义并不被视为负面的，而是一种决心和能力的象征，能够为了人民的利益做出艰难的决定。这些富有魅力的领导人巧妙地将自己定位为人民意志的化身。他们以准救世主的形象出现，是弱势群体的拥护者，是无声者的代言人。他们超越传统政治，超越体制分歧，直接与人民对话，建立起一种直接的、近乎亲密的关系。在这种环境下，领导人与群众之间建立的情感纽带至关重要。这不是基于详细的政治纲领或僵化的意识形态，而是基于情感和象征性的炼金术。领导者被视为他们中的一员，深刻理解他们的需求、痛苦和希望。 |
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| In Latin America, the figure of the populist leader unfolded in a complex mix of benevolence and authoritarianism, a duality that defined his approach to governance and his relationship with the people. Perceived as a protective father, the populist leader embodied a paternalistic figure, winning the trust and affection of the masses through his apparent understanding of their needs and aspirations, and through his promise of protection and guardianship. However, this benevolence coexisted with overt authoritarianism. Opposition and dissent were often barely tolerated. The leader, seeing himself and being seen as the embodiment of the will of the people, regarded any opposition not as a democratic counterpoint, but as a betrayal of the will of the people. This type of leadership oscillated between tenderness and firmness, between inclusion and repression. The use of the mass media was strategic in consolidating the power of these populist leaders. Radio, newspapers and, later, television became powerful tools for shaping the leader's image, building and reinforcing his personal brand, and solidifying his emotional hold on the public. They were masters of the art of communication, using the media to speak directly to the people, bypassing intermediaries, and instilling a sense of personal connection. Ideologically, Latin American populism was often not characterised by doctrinal complexity or depth. Instead, it was based on broad, mobilising themes such as nationalism, development and social justice. Ideological precision was sacrificed for a mobilising narrative, with the leader himself standing at the centre as the indomitable champion of these causes. This cocktail of personal charisma, media narrative and authoritarian but benevolent approaches defined the essence of populism in Latin America. The leader was the movement, and the movement was the leader. It was less about politics and ideology than a delicate dance of emotions and symbols, where power and popularity were shaped in the intimate embrace between the charismatic leader and a people in search of identity, security and recognition.
| | 在拉丁美洲，民粹主义领导人的形象在仁慈与专制的复杂组合中展开，这种双重性决定了他的治理方法以及他与人民的关系。民粹主义领导人被视为保护性的父亲，体现了家长式的形象，通过明显了解群众的需求和愿望，并承诺提供保护和监护，赢得了群众的信任和爱戴。然而，这种仁慈与公开的专制并存。反对和异议往往几乎不被容忍。领导人将自己和他人视为人民意志的化身，认为任何反对意见都不是民主的对立面，而是对人民意志的背叛。这种领导方式在温柔与强硬、包容与镇压之间摇摆不定。大众传媒的使用对于巩固这些民粹主义领导人的权力具有战略意义。广播、报纸以及后来的电视成为塑造领导人形象、建立和强化其个人品牌、巩固其对公众情感控制的有力工具。他们是传播艺术的大师，利用媒体直接与人民对话，绕过中间人，并灌输一种个人联系感。在意识形态上，拉美民粹主义往往没有复杂或深刻的理论。相反，它以民族主义、发展和社会正义等广泛的动员主题为基础。意识形态的精确性被牺牲以换取动员性的叙事，而领袖本人则作为这些事业不屈不挠的捍卫者站在中心。这种融合了个人魅力、媒体叙事和独裁但仁慈的方法的混合体，决定了拉丁美洲民粹主义的本质。领袖就是运动，运动就是领袖。这与其说是政治和意识形态，不如说是情感和符号的微妙舞蹈，在魅力型领导人与寻求认同、安全和认可的人民之间的亲密拥抱中，权力和受欢迎程度得以塑造。 |
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| State interventionism is a characteristic feature of populism in Latin America, a concrete manifestation of the populist leader's commitment to responding directly to the needs of the masses and shaping a social and economic order aligned with popular aspirations. The state, under the charismatic leadership of the leader, does not simply regulate; it intervenes, commits and transforms. Social programmes, economic initiatives and infrastructure projects become tools for translating personal charisma into concrete, tangible action. However, domestic social and economic challenges are often complex and deep-rooted, requiring nuanced, long-term solutions. For the populist leader, it therefore becomes tempting, and sometimes necessary, to divert attention from internal challenges to external issues, in particular by identifying common foreign enemies. Nationalism is then mixed with a certain xenophobia, as the populist narrative feeds on the clear demarcation between "us" and "them". Whether it is US imperialism, often denounced for its harmful influence, or diverse immigrant communities, targeted for their apparent difference, the populist narrative in Latin America channels popular dissatisfaction and frustration towards external targets. In such a context, national unity is strengthened, but often at the cost of marginalising and stigmatising the "others", those perceived as outside the national community. This strategy, while successful in mobilising the masses and consolidating the leader's power, can mask and sometimes exacerbate underlying tensions and challenges. Internal social conflicts, economic inequalities and political differences remain, often muted but always present. Latin American populism, with its flamboyance and charisma, is thus a delicate dance between the affirmation of national identity and the management of internal tensions, between the promise of a prosperous future and the reality of the deep-rooted challenges that stand in the way of realising that promise. It is a tale of hope and challenge, solidarity and division, revealing the complexity and richness of the region's political and social experience.
| | 国家干预主义是拉美民粹主义的一个特征，是民粹主义领导人致力于直接满足群众需求、建立符合民众愿望的社会和经济秩序的具体体现。在领导人的魅力领导下，国家不仅仅是进行管理，而是进行干预、承诺和变革。社会计划、经济举措和基础设施项目成为将个人魅力转化为具体可见行动的工具。然而，国内的社会和经济挑战往往错综复杂、根深蒂固，需要细致入微的长期解决方案。因此，对于民粹主义领导人来说，将人们的注意力从国内挑战转移到外部问题上，特别是通过确定共同的外国敌人，就变得很有诱惑力，有时甚至是必要的。由于民粹主义叙事以明确划分 "我们 "和 "他们 "为基础，因此民族主义与某种仇外心理交织在一起。无论是经常因其有害影响而受到谴责的美帝国主义，还是因其明显差异而成为攻击目标的不同移民群体，拉丁美洲的民粹主义叙事都将民众的不满和挫败感引向外部目标。在这种情况下，民族团结得到了加强，但代价往往是 "他人"，即那些被视为民族共同体之外的人被边缘化和污名化。这种策略虽然能成功地动员群众并巩固领导人的权力，但可能会掩盖，有时甚至会加剧潜在的紧张关系和挑战。内部社会冲突、经济不平等和政治分歧依然存在，虽然常常被掩盖，但始终存在。因此，拉美民粹主义以其华丽的外表和魅力，在肯定民族身份和处理内部紧张局势之间，在对繁荣未来的承诺和阻碍实现这一承诺的根深蒂固的现实挑战之间，跳着微妙的舞蹈。这是一个关于希望与挑战、团结与分裂的故事，揭示了该地区政治和社会经历的复杂性和丰富性。 |
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| The authoritarian rule of Rafael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic, which lasted 31 years from 1930 to 1961, illustrates an extreme case of populism in Latin America. Trujillo, an officer trained by the US Marines, was a dominant figure, embodying an intense version of authoritarianism mixed with populist charisma. In 1937, Trujillo ordered one of the darkest episodes in Latin American history: the massacre of 15,000 to 20,000 Haitians. This atrocity revealed the immeasurable brutality and exacerbated xenophobia that defined his regime. Despite this crime against humanity, Trujillo managed to maintain a significant support base among certain sectors of the Dominican population. The strategic use of the mass media, combined with a carefully orchestrated cult of personality, transformed the despot into a leader perceived as strong and protective. The leader mastered the art of communication and, thanks to this, managed to shape an alternative reality in which he was seen as the indomitable protector of the Dominican nation against external threats, despite a macabre record. Trujillo's story highlights the complex and often contradictory nuances of populism in Latin America. A man who ruled for more than three decades, whose power was fuelled by a toxic mix of authoritarianism and populist charm, and whose legacy is marked by an atrocity that cost thousands of lives, while remaining an influential populist figure thanks to an effective media strategy.
| | 拉斐尔-特鲁希略（Rafael Trujillo）在多米尼加共和国的独裁统治从 1930 年到 1961 年持续了 31 年，是拉丁美洲民粹主义的一个极端案例。特鲁希略是一名由美国海军陆战队训练出来的军官，他是一个主导性人物，体现了强烈的独裁主义与民粹主义魅力的混合。1937 年，特鲁希略下令对 1.5 万至 2 万海地人进行大屠杀，这是拉丁美洲历史上最黑暗的事件之一。这一暴行揭示了其政权无法估量的残暴，加剧了仇外心理。尽管犯下了这一危害人类罪，特鲁希略仍设法在多米尼加的某些群体中维持了重要的支持基础。对大众传媒的战略性使用，再加上精心策划的个人崇拜，使这位暴君摇身一变，成为人们心目中强大和具有保护作用的领袖。这位领导人掌握了传播艺术，并因此成功塑造了另一种现实，在这种现实中，他被视为多米尼加民族抵御外部威胁的不屈不挠的保护者，尽管他的记录令人毛骨悚然。特鲁希略的故事凸显了拉丁美洲民粹主义复杂而又往往相互矛盾的细微差别。特鲁希略统治多米尼加长达三十多年，专制主义和民粹主义的魅力交织在一起，助长了他的权力，他的遗产以一场造成数千人丧生的暴行为标志，但由于有效的媒体策略，他仍然是一个有影响力的民粹主义人物。 |
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| = The impact of the Great Depression on Latin America = | | = 大萧条对拉丁美洲的影响 = |
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| == Economic consequences == | | == 经济后果 == |
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| The Great Depression that began in 1929 sent shockwaves across the globe, and Latin America was not spared. The nations of this region, particularly those rooted in the export economy, were hard hit. Strong interdependence with the US and European markets amplified the impact of the financial crisis on Latin American economies. The economic contraction resulting from the abrupt fall in demand for export products was rapid and severe. Raw materials, the cornerstone of many of the region's economies, saw their prices plummet. This economic recession has hampered growth, increased unemployment and reduced living standards. Millions of people were plunged into poverty, exacerbating existing social and economic inequalities. The lasting effect of the Great Depression extended well beyond the decade of the 1930s. It not only disrupted the economy but also generated a climate of political and social discontent. Against this backdrop of economic instability, political ideologies became radicalised, and the stage was set for the emergence of populist and authoritarian movements. Charismatic leaders capitalised on public despair, promising reform and economic recovery. Latin America's post-depression economic landscape was marked by a growing distrust of the liberal economic model and a greater orientation towards domestic and protectionist economic policies. Governments adopted measures to strengthen the domestic economy, sometimes to the detriment of international trade relations.
| | 始于 1929 年的大萧条给全球带来了巨大冲击，拉丁美洲也未能幸免。该地区的国家，尤其是那些以出口经济为根基的国家，受到了沉重打击。与美国和欧洲市场的高度相互依存扩大了金融危机对拉丁美洲经济的影响。对出口产品的需求骤减导致经济迅速严重萎缩。作为该地区许多经济体基石的原材料价格暴跌。经济衰退阻碍了增长，增加了失业，降低了生活水平。数百万人陷入贫困，加剧了现有的社会和经济不平等。大萧条的持久影响远远超出了 20 世纪 30 年代的十年。大萧条不仅扰乱了经济，还引发了政治和社会不满情绪。在这种经济不稳定的背景下，政治意识形态变得激进，为民粹主义和独裁运动的出现创造了条件。富有魅力的领导人利用公众的绝望情绪，许诺改革和经济复苏。拉美经济衰退后的特点是对自由经济模式越来越不信任，更加倾向于国内和保护主义经济政策。各国政府采取措施加强国内经济，有时甚至损害国际贸易关系。 |
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| The Great Depression, rooted in a financial crisis in the United States, had global repercussions, and Latin America was no exception. The decline in consumption in the United States hit Latin American countries hard, as their economies were heavily dependent on exports to the North American giant. The reduction in demand for these exports translated into falling incomes and a considerable economic shock. The economies of Latin America, already precarious and largely based on the export of raw materials, were hit hard. Commodity prices plummeted, exacerbating the impact of reduced demand. Export revenues plummeted, and foreign investment dried up. This devastating combination led to a rapid economic contraction, shaking the economic foundations of the region. Living standards, which had been rising during the previous boom period, fell precipitously. Unemployment and poverty rose, creating social tensions and exacerbating inequalities. Confidence in financial and political institutions eroded, opening the door to instability and unrest. The echoes of this economic instability reverberated well beyond the crisis years. Political and social unrest intensified, with economic challenges fuelling popular discontent and giving rise to movements for radical reform. The region's political systems were put to the test, and in many cases existing governments were unable to respond effectively to the crisis. Ultimately, the Great Depression left an indelible mark on Latin America, reshaping its economic, political and social landscape. The aftermath of this tumultuous period has influenced the course of the region's history, shaping its responses to future crises and altering the course of its economic and social development.
| | 以美国金融危机为根源的大萧条波及全球，拉丁美洲也不例外。美国消费下降对拉美国家造成了沉重打击，因为这些国家的经济严重依赖对北美巨头的出口。对这些出口品需求的减少导致收入下降，对经济造成巨大冲击。拉丁美洲的经济本已岌岌可危，而且主要依赖原材料出口，因此受到重创。商品价格暴跌，加剧了需求减少的影响。出口收入锐减，外国投资枯竭。这种毁灭性的组合导致经济迅速萎缩，动摇了该地区的经济基础。在上一个繁荣时期不断提高的生活水平急剧下降。失业率和贫困率上升，造成了社会紧张，加剧了不平等。人们对金融和政治机构的信心减弱，为不稳定和动荡敞开了大门。这种经济不稳定的回响远远超出了危机年代。政治和社会动荡加剧，经济挑战助长了民众的不满情绪，并引发了激进的改革运动。该地区的政治制度受到考验，在许多情况下，现有政府无法有效应对危机。最终，大萧条给拉丁美洲留下了不可磨灭的印记，重塑了其经济、政治和社会格局。这段动荡时期的后果影响了该地区的历史进程，决定了其对未来危机的反应，并改变了其经济和社会发展的进程。 |
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| == Social implications == | | == 社会影响 == |
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| The Great Depression marked a period of intense economic distress and social upheaval in Latin America. The ramifications of the global economic crisis were clearly visible in the daily fabric of life, particularly in the region's rural areas, which were severely affected by massive job losses. The agricultural and mining sectors, the backbone of rural economies, were in decline. The fall in commodity prices and the reduction in international demand hit these sectors hard, leaving thousands of workers unemployed. This wave of unemployment triggered a major migration to urban areas. Rural workers, desperate and distraught, flocked to the cities in the hope of finding employment and economic refuge. However, the cities, themselves mired in crisis, were hardly prepared to receive such an influx of migrants. Overcrowding, poverty and underemployment had become endemic. Urban infrastructure was inadequate to cope with the rapid increase in population. Shanty towns began to develop on the outskirts of major cities, embodying the hardship and deprivation of the time. Families and communities were hit hard. Widespread unemployment destabilised family structures, exacerbating the daily challenges of survival. The decline in living standards was not only an economic reality but also a social crisis. Economic distress deepened the income gap, exacerbating inequalities and sowing the seeds of social unrest. The Great Depression was thus a catalyst for considerable social change. It not only triggered an economic recession but also brought about a profound social transformation. The challenges and struggles of this period left an indelible mark on the social and economic history of Latin America, shaping the social and political dynamics of the decades to follow.
| | 大萧条标志着拉丁美洲进入了一个经济困难和社会动荡的时期。全球经济危机的影响在日常生活中清晰可见，特别是在该地区的农村地区，大量失业严重影响了这些地区的生活。作为农村经济支柱的农业和采矿业正在衰退。商品价格的下跌和国际需求的减少重创了这些部门，导致成千上万的工人失业。失业浪潮引发了向城市地区的大规模迁移。绝望和焦虑的农村工人涌入城市，希望找到工作和经济庇护所。然而，本身就深陷危机的城市根本没有准备好接纳如此大量的移民。过度拥挤、贫困和就业不足已成为地方病。城市基础设施不足以应对人口的快速增长。棚户区开始在大城市的郊区发展起来，体现了当时的艰苦和贫困。家庭和社区受到沉重打击。大范围的失业破坏了家庭结构的稳定，加剧了日常的生存挑战。生活水平的下降不仅是经济现实，也是社会危机。经济困境加深了收入差距，加剧了不平等，播下了社会动荡的种子。因此，大萧条是巨大社会变革的催化剂。它不仅引发了经济衰退，还带来了深刻的社会变革。这一时期的挑战和斗争在拉丁美洲的社会和经济史上留下了不可磨灭的印记，塑造了此后几十年的社会和政治动态。 |
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| The Great Depression plunged Latin America into an economic and social abyss, but the manifestations of this crisis varied considerably from country to country. The diversity of economic structures, levels of development and social conditions in the region gave rise to a multiplicity of experiences and responses to the crisis. In Latin American countries already suffering from high levels of poverty, the impact of the Great Depression exacerbated existing conditions. Unemployment and misery increased, but in a context where precariousness was already the norm, the socio-economic transformations brought about by the crisis may not have been as abrupt or visible as in more prosperous nations. In the United States, by comparison, the crisis represented a severe and abrupt shock. The nation had gone from a period of unprecedented prosperity, marked by rapid industrialisation and economic expansion, to an era of misery, mass unemployment and despair. This abrupt transition made the crisis even more visible, making the economic and social ravages of the Great Depression a ubiquitous part of everyday life. In Latin America, resilience in the face of economic adversity and familiarity with precariousness may have mitigated the perception of the crisis, but they have not reduced its devastating impact. Economic contraction, escalating poverty and unemployment, and social upheaval have profoundly affected the region. Each country, with its own economic and social particularities, navigated the turmoil of the depression with distinct survival strategies, creating a complex patchwork of experiences and responses to an unprecedented global crisis.
| | 大萧条使拉丁美洲陷入了经济和社会的深渊，但这场危机在各国的表现形式却大相径庭。该地区的经济结构、发展水平和社会条件各不相同，因此对危机的经历和反应也多种多样。在贫困程度已经很高的拉丁美洲国家，大萧条的影响加剧了现有的状况。失业和苦难增加了，但在不稳定已经成为常态的情况下，危机带来的社会经济变革可能不像在更繁荣的国家那样突然或明显。相比之下，危机给美国带来了严重而突然的冲击。美国从以快速工业化和经济扩张为标志的空前繁荣时期进入了一个充满苦难、大规模失业和绝望的时代。这种突然的转变使危机更加明显，使大萧条对经济和社会的破坏成为日常生活中无处不在的一部分。在拉丁美洲，面对经济逆境的韧性和对不稳定性的熟悉可能减轻了人们对危机的看法，但并没有减少危机的破坏性影响。经济萎缩、贫困和失业加剧以及社会动荡对该地区产生了深远的影响。每个国家都有其自身的经济和社会特点，在经济萧条的动荡中采取了不同的生存策略，从而形成了一种复杂的拼凑经验和对前所未有的全球危机的反应。 |
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| == Political consequences == | | == 政治后果 == |
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| The Great Depression created a climate of exacerbated economic crisis and social despair in Latin America, laying the foundations for considerable political instability. With poverty and unemployment reaching alarming levels, confidence in existing political regimes eroded, paving the way for radical changes in governance. Between 1930 and 1935, the region witnessed a series of overthrows of governments, oscillating between peaceful transitions and violent coups d'état. Disastrous economic conditions, exacerbated by the drastic fall in export prices and the contraction of foreign investment, fuelled widespread discontent. The popular masses, faced with hunger, unemployment and deteriorating living conditions, have become fertile ground for radical and authoritarian political movements. In this tumultuous context, authoritarian political figures emerged, capitalising on popular disarray and promising order, stability and economic recovery. These promises resonated deeply with a population desperate for change and an escape from daily misery. Democratic institutions, already fragile and often marked by elitism and corruption, succumbed under the weight of the crisis. Authoritarian and military regimes, presenting a façade of strength and determination, emerged as attractive alternatives. These political transitions not only shaped the political landscape of Latin America during the Depression, but also set precedents and dynamics that would endure for decades. The prevalence of authoritarian regimes contributed to a gradual erosion of democratic norms and human rights, and echoes of this tumultuous era can be identified in the region's political developments for years to come. Ultimately, the Great Depression was not just an economic crisis; it initiated a profound and lasting political transformation in Latin America, illustrating the deep interconnection between the economic, social and political spheres.
| | 大萧条在拉丁美洲造成了经济危机加剧和社会绝望的气氛，为相当严重的政治不稳定奠定了基础。随着贫困和失业率达到令人震惊的程度，人们对现有政治体制的信心受到侵蚀，为彻底改变治理方式铺平了道路。1930 年至 1935 年间，该地区发生了一系列推翻政府的事件，在和平过渡与暴力政变之间摇摆不定。出口价格的急剧下降和外国投资的萎缩加剧了灾难性的经济状况，激起了广泛的不满情绪。面对饥饿、失业和日益恶化的生活条件，人民群众成为激进和独裁政治运动的沃土。在这种动荡的背景下，威权政治人物应运而生，他们利用民众的混乱情绪，许诺秩序、稳定和经济复苏。这些承诺深深地打动了渴望变革和摆脱日常苦难的民众。民主体制本已脆弱，且往往带有精英主义和腐败的烙印，在危机的重压下屈服了。专制政权和军事政权以力量和决心为幌子，成为颇具吸引力的替代选择。这些政治过渡不仅塑造了大萧条时期拉丁美洲的政治格局，而且还开创了先例，形成了将持续数十年的动力。独裁政权的盛行导致民主准则和人权逐渐受到侵蚀，在该地区未来多年的政治发展中都能看到这个动荡时代的影子。归根结底，大萧条不仅仅是一场经济危机，它还引发了拉丁美洲深刻而持久的政治变革，说明了经济、社会和政治领域之间的深刻联系。 |
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| The Great Depression profoundly altered the dynamics of relations between the United States and Latin America. Mired in a devastating economic crisis, the United States was no longer in a position to exert its influence as predominantly or to provide the same level of financial support to Latin American nations. This reduction in American influence took place in the context of a "good neighbour" policy, a diplomatic strategy that advocated a less interventionist approach in the region. However, while the US was trying to deal with its own domestic challenges, Latin America was being swept along by its own whirlwinds of economic and social crisis. Already fragile political structures were exacerbated by mass unemployment, economic contraction and social insecurity. Against this backdrop, the absence of substantial support from the United States has accentuated the region's political vulnerability. Authoritarian leaders seized the opportunity to rise to power, exploiting public insecurity and popular demand for stability and strong leadership. These regimes often thrived in the absence of a significant US presence, and the "good neighbour" policy, while beloved in theory, proved powerless to stabilise or constructively influence Latin America's political trajectory during this critical period.
| | 大萧条深刻地改变了美国与拉丁美洲之间的动态关系。由于深陷毁灭性的经济危机，美国再也无法像以前那样施加影响，也无法向拉美国家提供同等水平的财政支持。美国影响力的下降是在 "睦邻 "政策的背景下发生的，"睦邻 "政策是一项外交战略，主张在该地区减少干预。然而，就在美国努力应对其国内挑战的同时，拉丁美洲也被其自身的经济和社会危机旋风所席卷。大规模失业、经济萎缩和社会不安全加剧了本已脆弱的政治结构。在此背景下，缺乏美国的实质性支持加剧了该地区的政治脆弱性。独裁领导人利用公众的不安全感以及民众对稳定和强有力领导的需求，抓住机会上台执政。这些政权往往在美国缺乏重要存在的情况下茁壮成长，"睦邻 "政策虽然在理论上深受喜爱，但在这一关键时期却无力稳定或建设性地影响拉丁美洲的政治轨迹。 |
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| = The case of Colombia: a crisis absorbed by coffee growers = | | = 哥伦比亚的情况：咖啡种植者承受的危机 = |
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| == Economic factors == | | == 经济因素 == |
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| The Great Depression put intense pressure on the Colombian economy, particularly on the coffee industry that was its mainstay. The country's dependence on coffee exports to the United States increased Colombia's economic vulnerability when US demand collapsed. Much of the economic impact was felt by the coffee growers themselves. They have had to navigate a difficult economic landscape, marked by plummeting prices and falling demand. However, despite this economic instability, Colombia managed to avoid the overthrows of government and violent revolutions that shook other Latin American nations during this period. It is possible that the country's political and social structure offered some resilience to external shocks, although this did not mitigate the scale of the economic crisis at an individual level, particularly for farmers and workers in the coffee sector. Colombia's coffee-growing regions have been hard hit. A combination of reduced incomes, economic instability and increased poverty has tested rural communities. This is likely to have had an impact on the long-term social and economic dynamics in these regions, possibly altering employment patterns, farming practices and social mobility. Colombia's ability to avoid a sudden shift in power during the Great Depression does not mean that the country was not profoundly affected. The economic, social and political challenges generated by this period left lasting scars and helped shape the country's economic and political landscape in the decades that followed. The country's political resilience during this period can be attributed to a complex mix of factors, including government structure, political responses to crises and social dynamics that may have offered some stability in an era of widespread uncertainty.
| | 经济大萧条给哥伦比亚经济，尤其是作为其支柱产业的咖啡业带来了巨大压力。由于哥伦比亚依赖对美国的咖啡出口，当美国需求崩溃时，哥伦比亚的经济更加脆弱。咖啡种植者本身也感受到了大部分经济影响。他们不得不在价格暴跌和需求下降的艰难经济环境中摸爬滚打。然而，尽管经济不稳定，哥伦比亚还是成功地避免了推翻政府和暴力革命的发生，而在此期间，其他拉美国家也受到了震动。哥伦比亚的政治和社会结构可能在一定程度上抵御了外部冲击，但这并没有减轻经济危机对个人的影响，尤其是对咖啡业的农民和工人。哥伦比亚的咖啡种植区受到了严重打击。收入减少、经济不稳定和贫困加剧等因素共同考验着农村社区。这很可能会对这些地区的长期社会和经济动态产生影响，可能会改变就业模式、耕作方式和社会流动性。哥伦比亚在大萧条期间避免了权力的突然转移，但这并不意味着哥伦比亚没有受到深刻影响。这一时期产生的经济、社会和政治挑战留下了持久的伤痕，并在随后的几十年里帮助塑造了该国的经济和政治格局。哥伦比亚在这一时期的政治韧性可归因于各种复杂的因素，包括政府结构、对危机的政治反应以及社会动态，这些因素可能在一个普遍存在不确定性的时代提供了一定的稳定性。 |
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| The Great Depression impacted Colombia as it did the rest of the world, but the country managed to navigate through this period with relative stability. The fall in the world price of coffee had a direct impact on the Colombian economy. The reduction in income for coffee growers, who were the driving force behind the economy, was a severe blow. However, Colombia has shown remarkable resilience. The fall in prices led to an economic contraction, but on a smaller scale than that seen in other countries in the region. The 13% fall in export volumes and 2.4% fall in GNP, while significant, did not lead to the political and social instability that characterised other Latin American nations during this period. Colombia's relative stability can be attributed to several factors. One could be the structure of its political and economic system, which has allowed a degree of flexibility and adaptation to external shocks. Another key factor was the historic transfer of power from the conservative to the liberal party in 1930. This transition took place in a context where the Liberal Party had been marginalised, with the Conservative Party dominating the Colombian political scene for more than half a century. The division within the conservative party paved the way for the election of a liberal president. This political change, while significant, was not the result of a coup or revolution, but rather of an electoral process. This illustrates Colombia's ability to maintain a degree of political stability despite the significant economic challenges of the time. This stability does not mean that Colombia has been spared economic hardship. Coffee growers, workers and the economy in general felt the impact of the depression. However, the way in which the country managed this crisis, avoiding major political instability and implementing political transitions via electoral processes, reflects the robustness of its institutions and its ability to absorb and adapt to economic and social shocks.
| | 与世界其他国家一样，大萧条也对哥伦比亚造成了影响，但哥伦比亚还是相对稳定地度过了这一时期。世界咖啡价格下跌对哥伦比亚经济产生了直接影响。作为经济推动力的咖啡种植者的收入减少是一个沉重的打击。然而，哥伦比亚表现出了非凡的复原力。价格下跌导致经济萎缩，但规模小于该地区其他国家。虽然出口量下降了 13%，国民生产总值下降了 2.4%，但并没有像其他拉美国家那样在此期间出现政治和社会动荡。哥伦比亚的相对稳定可归因于几个因素。其中之一可能是其政治和经济制度的结构，这种结构允许一定程度的灵活性和对外部冲击的适应性。另一个关键因素是 1930 年保守党向自由党的历史性权力转移。这一转变是在自由党被边缘化的背景下发生的，保守党主导哥伦比亚政坛长达半个多世纪。保守党内部的分裂为自由党总统的当选铺平了道路。这一政治变革虽然意义重大，但并非政变或革命的结果，而是选举进程的结果。这说明，尽管当时面临着巨大的经济挑战，哥伦比亚仍有能力保持一定程度的政治稳定。这种稳定并不意味着哥伦比亚免于经济困难。咖啡种植者、工人和整个经济都感受到了经济萧条的影响。然而，哥伦比亚处理这场危机的方式，避免了重大的政治动荡，并通过选举进程实现了政治过渡，这反映了哥伦比亚机构的稳健性及其吸收和适应经济和社会冲击的能力。 |
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| Historical experiences, such as those of Colombia during the Great Depression, are invaluable resources for understanding the potential dynamics at play during economic and political crises. These historical case studies offer valuable insights into resilience mechanisms, structural vulnerabilities, and how political, economic and social factors interact in times of crisis. Colombia, for example, has demonstrated a remarkable ability to maintain political stability during a period of intense economic turbulence. Understanding the factors that contributed to this resilience - be they the structure of the political system, economic flexibility, social cohesion or other elements - can provide valuable lessons for other countries facing similar challenges. In the current context of economic globalisation and potential volatility, the lessons learned from the Great Depression can inform responses to future crises. For example, they can help identify strategies that can strengthen economic and political resilience, understand the risks associated with dependence on exports or foreign markets, and assess the impact of political transitions in an uncertain economic environment. By analysing specific examples such as Colombia in depth, policymakers, economists and researchers can develop models and scenarios to anticipate future challenges and opportunities. They can also work to create adaptive policies and strategies to navigate effectively through economic crises, minimising the social impact and preserving political stability.
| | 哥伦比亚在大萧条时期的历史经验是了解经济和政治危机期间潜在动态的宝贵资源。这些历史案例研究为了解复原机制、结构脆弱性以及危机时期政治、经济和社会因素如何相互作用提供了宝贵的见解。例如，哥伦比亚在激烈的经济动荡时期表现出了维持政治稳定的非凡能力。了解促成这种韧性的因素--无论是政治体系结构、经济灵活性、社会凝聚力还是其他因素--可以为面临类似挑战的其他国家提供宝贵的经验。在当前经济全球化和潜在波动的背景下，从大萧条中汲取的经验教训可以为应对未来的危机提供借鉴。例如，这些经验教训有助于确定可加强经济和政治复原力的战略，了解与依赖出口或外国市场相关的风险，以及评估在不确定的经济环境中政治过渡的影响。通过深入分析哥伦比亚等具体实例，政策制定者、经济学家和研究人员可以建立模型和设想方案，预测未来的挑战和机遇。他们还可以努力制定适应性政策和战略，有效渡过经济危机，最大限度地减少社会影响，维护政治稳定。 |
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| The transition of the Colombian economy during the Great Depression illustrates the importance of economic diversification and decentralisation. Spreading risk and having a multiplicity of economic players can mitigate the impact of global economic shocks. In the case of Colombia, the shift to small-scale coffee production has redistributed the risks associated with falling commodity prices and fluctuations in world markets. Instead of being concentrated in the hands of large landowners and companies, the risk has been shared among many smallholders. This decentralisation allowed a degree of flexibility. Smallholders could quickly adjust their production practices in response to market changes, a flexibility often less present in large-scale farming structures. It also favoured a more balanced distribution of income and resources, mitigating the economic inequalities that can exacerbate the social impact of economic crises. This scenario highlights the importance of adaptability and diversity in the economic structure. An economy that is not overly dependent on a particular sector, or mode of production, is often better equipped to withstand economic turbulence. This lesson is particularly relevant in the current context, where the world's economies are interconnected and susceptible to a variety of shocks, from financial crises to pandemics and climate change. An economy's ability to adapt, diversify and evolve in response to emerging challenges is a key factor in its long-term resilience. Studying historical responses to crisis, such as Colombia's during the Great Depression, can provide valuable insights for building global and local economic resilience in the uncertain future ahead.
| | 哥伦比亚经济在大萧条期间的转型说明了经济多样化和权力下放的重要性。分散风险和拥有多个经济参与者可以减轻全球经济冲击的影响。就哥伦比亚而言，向小规模咖啡生产的转变重新分配了与商品价格下跌和世界市场波动相关的风险。风险不再集中在大地主和大公司手中，而是由许多小农户分担。这种分散化带来了一定程度的灵活性。小农户可以根据市场变化迅速调整生产方式，而这种灵活性在大规模农业结构中往往较少。它还有利于更均衡地分配收入和资源，减轻经济不平等，而经济不平等会加剧经济危机对社会的影响。这种情况凸显了经济结构的适应性和多样性的重要性。一个不过分依赖某一特定部门或生产模式的经济体，往往更有能力抵御经济动荡。在当前背景下，这一教训尤为重要，因为世界各经济体相互关联，容易受到从金融危机到大流行病和气候变化等各种冲击的影响。一个经济体在应对新出现的挑战时的适应能力、多样化和发展能力是其长期复原力的关键因素。研究历史上对危机的应对措施，如哥伦比亚在大萧条时期的应对措施，可以为在不确定的未来建设全球和地方经济复原力提供宝贵的启示。 |
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| The analysis of the situation of small coffee producers in Colombia during the Great Depression highlights a painful reality that remains relevant today: in times of economic crisis, vulnerable communities and small producers are often the hardest hit. Their lack of financial resources and dependence on a single source of income make them particularly vulnerable to fluctuations in world markets. In the specific case of Colombia, the crisis has revealed a clear dichotomy. The former large landowners, who had diversified their sources of income and were now involved in buying and exporting coffee, had financial leeway to absorb the shock of falling prices. They were not directly linked to production and could therefore navigate the crisis more easily. However, for small coffee producers, the fall in coffee prices meant a direct reduction in their income, with no margin to absorb the shock. They were forced to continue producing, often at a loss, in a market where production costs were higher than the income generated by the sale of coffee. These dynamics have exacerbated the economic insecurity of small farmers, plunging them deeper into poverty and debt. This reality exposes a critical issue that transcends time and region: the need for a robust system of protection for small producers and vulnerable communities in times of crisis. Mechanisms such as social safety nets, access to credit on favourable terms, and agricultural policies that stabilise prices can be crucial instruments for mitigating the impact of economic crises on the most vulnerable communities. The lesson learned from Colombia during the Great Depression reinforces the idea that the strength and resilience of an economy is measured not only by its overall growth or the wealth of its elites, but also by the protection and resilience of its most vulnerable members in the face of economic shocks and crises. Building an equitable and sustainable society requires careful attention to how economic benefits are distributed, particularly in times of crisis.
| | 对大萧条时期哥伦比亚咖啡小生产者境况的分析凸显了一个痛苦的现实，这一现实在今天依然适用：在经济危机时期，弱势社区和小生产者往往受到的冲击最大。他们缺乏资金，收入来源单一，因此特别容易受到世界市场波动的影响。就哥伦比亚的具体情况而言，危机揭示了一个明显的两极分化现象。以前的大土地所有者已经实现了收入来源的多样化，现在参与咖啡的购买和出口，他们有资金余地来承受价格下跌带来的冲击。他们与生产没有直接联系，因此可以更容易地渡过危机。然而，对于咖啡小生产者来说，咖啡价格的下跌意味着他们的收入直接减少，没有任何余地来吸收冲击。他们被迫在生产成本高于咖啡销售收入的市场上继续生产，而且往往是亏本生产。这些动态加剧了小农户的经济不稳定性，使他们陷入更深的贫困和债务。这一现实暴露了一个跨越时间和地区的关键问题：在危机时期，需要为小生产者和弱势社区提供强有力的保护制度。社会安全网、以优惠条件获得信贷以及稳定价格的农业政策等机制，可以成为减轻经济危机对最脆弱社区影响的重要手段。哥伦比亚在经济大萧条期间的经验教训强化了这样一个理念，即衡量一个经济体的实力和韧性，不仅要看其整体增长或其精英阶层的财富，还要看其最脆弱成员在面对经济冲击和危机时的保护和韧性。建设一个公平和可持续的社会，需要认真关注经济利益的分配方式，尤其是在危机时期。 |
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| The adoption of semi-autarchic strategies, such as that observed among small coffee growers in Colombia during the Great Depression, highlights the resilience and adaptability of communities in the face of adverse economic conditions. The ability to produce some of their own food via kitchen gardens acted as a buffer against volatile market fluctuations, providing a form of food insurance in the face of uncertainty. This example highlights an old and widespread practice: in times of crisis, households often return to more self-sufficient modes of production to ensure their survival. This not only reduces their dependence on markets, which are often unstable, but also brings a degree of stability to the daily lives of households. Self-production also has the advantage of reducing the pressure on limited financial resources, by enabling families to save what they would have spent on food. However, this solution is not without its challenges. While it offers a degree of resilience in the short term, semi-autarchy is often not sustainable in the long term. It cannot fully compensate for the loss of income due to the fall in prices of export products such as coffee. What's more, it does not address structural challenges such as inequality, land concentration or trade barriers. The lesson here is twofold. Firstly, it recognises the importance of local support systems and resilience within communities. These mechanisms often provide a first line of defence against economic crises. But, on the other hand, it also highlights the need for broader, systemic solutions. While households can adapt their behaviour to cope with temporary shocks, broader interventions, such as price stabilisation policies, access to credit and income support programmes, are needed to address the root causes of economic instability and provide lasting security.
| | 采用半自给自足的战略，例如在哥伦比亚大萧条期间观察到的小型咖啡种植者的做法，凸显了社区在面对不利经济条件时的复原力和适应性。通过菜园生产部分自产粮食的能力成为抵御市场波动的缓冲器，在不确定的情况下提供了一种粮食保险。这个例子凸显了一种古老而普遍的做法：在危机时期，家庭往往会回到更加自给自足的生产方式，以确保自己的生存。这不仅减少了他们对往往不稳定的市场的依赖，也给家庭的日常生活带来了一定程度的稳定。自给自足的好处还在于，家庭可以将原本用于购买食物的钱节省下来，从而减轻对有限财政资源的压力。然而，这一解决方案并非没有挑战。虽然它在短期内提供了一定程度的复原力，但从长远来看，半自给自足往往是不可持续的。它无法完全弥补咖啡等出口产品价格下跌造成的收入损失。更重要的是，它无法解决结构性挑战，如不平等、土地集中或贸易壁垒。这里有两方面的教训。首先，它认识到当地支持系统和社区复原力的重要性。这些机制往往是抵御经济危机的第一道防线。但另一方面，它也强调了更广泛的系统性解决方案的必要性。虽然家庭可以调整自己的行为以应对暂时的冲击，但还需要更广泛的干预措施，如价格稳定政策、获得信贷和收入支持计划，以解决经济不稳定的根本原因并提供持久安全。 |
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| == Political dynamics == | | == 政治动态 == |
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| [[File:Alfonso López Pumarejo.jpg|thumb|150px|Alfonso López Pumarejo, President of the Republic of Colombia from 1934 to 1938, then from 1942 to 1946.]] | | [[File:Alfonso López Pumarejo.jpg|thumb|150px|阿方索-洛佩斯-普马雷霍，哥伦比亚共和国总统，1934-1938 年，1942-1946 年。]] |
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| Colombia's relative political stability during the Great Depression, despite substantial economic challenges, is remarkable and merits in-depth analysis. The peaceful transfer of power from the Conservative Party to the Liberal Party in 1930 indicates a level of maturity and flexibility in the Colombian political system at the time. The Conservatives' internal division opened the door to political change, but the transition itself was not marked by the kind of violence or instability often associated with periods of economic crisis. This suggests the presence of institutional and social mechanisms that enabled a degree of adaptability in the face of internal and external pressures. One crucial factor was probably the absence of large-scale military unrest or revolts. While other Latin American nations were rocked by coups and political conflicts during this period, Colombia navigated through the crisis with relative political continuity. This could be attributed to a variety of factors, including perhaps more robust institutions, a less militaristic political culture, or less pronounced social and political divisions. The case of Colombia during the Great Depression provides an instructive example of how different nations can respond in different ways to global economic crises, influenced by their unique political, social and institutional contexts. Further study of this particular case could offer valuable insights into understanding political resilience in times of economic stress.
| | 尽管面临巨大的经济挑战，哥伦比亚在经济大萧条期间仍保持了相对稳定的政治局势，这一点值得深入分析。1930 年，保守党向自由党和平移交权力，这表明当时的哥伦比亚政治体制达到了成熟和灵活的程度。保守党的内部分裂为政治变革打开了大门，但权力交接本身并没有出现经济危机时期常见的暴力或动荡。这表明，制度和社会机制的存在使得面对内部和外部压力时能够有一定程度的适应性。其中一个关键因素可能是没有发生大规模的军事动乱或叛乱。在此期间，其他拉美国家发生了政变和政治冲突，而哥伦比亚却以相对的政治连续性渡过了危机。这可以归因于多种因素，其中可能包括更健全的机构、不那么军国主义的政治文化，或者不那么明显的社会和政治分歧。哥伦比亚在大萧条时期的情况提供了一个具有启发性的例子，说明不同的国家如何受其独特的政治、社会和制度背景的影响，以不同的方式应对全球经济危机。对这一特殊案例的进一步研究可为理解经济压力时期的政治复原力提供宝贵的见解。 |
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| Alfonso López Pumarejo, as President of Colombia in the 1930s and 1940s, played a significant role in the country's political and social transition during and after the Great Depression. At a time when the country was facing enormous economic and social challenges, López's reforms were crucial in stabilising and reshaping Colombian society. Under López's presidency, Colombia saw the introduction of the "Revolution on the Move", a set of progressive reforms aimed at transforming the country's socio-economic structure. At the heart of this programme was a strategy to reduce the social inequalities exacerbated by the Great Depression. López sought to modernise the Colombian economy, extend civil rights and improve education. The introduction of universal suffrage for men was a major step towards democratising Colombian politics. By extending the right to vote, López not only strengthened the legitimacy of the political system, but also gave a voice to previously marginalised segments of the population. The education programmes introduced under his presidency were also a key element in tackling the country's socio-economic problems. By investing in education, López aimed to improve social mobility and create a more skilled workforce, essential for economic modernisation. Similarly, unionisation and recognition of indigenous communities have helped to reduce inequality and promote social and economic rights. Trade unions have provided a mechanism for workers to collectively bargain for fairer wages and working conditions, while recognition of the rights of indigenous communities has helped to correct historical injustices.
| | 阿方索-洛佩斯-普马雷霍在 20 世纪 30 年代和 40 年代担任哥伦比亚总统，在大萧条期间和之后的国家政治和社会转型中发挥了重要作用。当时，哥伦比亚面临着巨大的经济和社会挑战，洛佩斯的改革对于稳定和重塑哥伦比亚社会至关重要。在洛佩斯担任总统期间，哥伦比亚推行了 "前进中的革命"，这是一系列旨在改变国家社会经济结构的渐进式改革。这一计划的核心是减少因大萧条而加剧的社会不平等的战略。洛佩斯力图实现哥伦比亚经济的现代化，扩大公民权利并改善教育。实行男性普选是哥伦比亚政治民主化的重要一步。通过扩大选举权，洛佩斯不仅加强了政治制度的合法性，还让以前被边缘化的人群有了发言权。在他担任总统期间推出的教育计划也是解决该国社会经济问题的关键因素。通过投资教育，洛佩斯旨在提高社会流动性，培养更多熟练劳动力，这对经济现代化至关重要。同样，工会化和承认土著社区也有助于减少不平等，促进社会和经济权利。工会为工人提供了一个集体谈判的机制，以争取更公平的工资和工作条件，而承认土著社区的权利则有助于纠正历史上的不公正现象。 |
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| The election of Alfonso López Pumarejo in 1934 ushered in an era of significant transformation in Colombia, characterised by the introduction of a series of progressive reforms encapsulated in the programme known as "Revolución en Marcha". Inspired by the Mexican revolution, this programme reflected a growing desire for social justice and economic recovery in the wake of the challenges exacerbated by the Great Depression. The constitutional reform that López initiated was not radical in itself, but it laid the foundations for a greater commitment to social inclusion and economic equity. He implemented constitutional changes to make Colombia's political and social system more inclusive and responsive to the needs of ordinary citizens, moving away from the rigid structures that had previously characterised the country's governance. The introduction of universal suffrage for men was a decisive step. It marked a transition to a more participatory democracy, in which political rights were extended to include wider segments of the population. This reform has encouraged more diverse political representation and helped to boost public debate and citizen participation. Reforms in education and unionisation were also central. Lopez understood that education was a crucial vector for social and economic improvement. Initiatives to widen access to education were designed to equip the population with the skills and knowledge needed to participate fully in the modern economy. At the same time, unionisation was promoted to give workers a means of defending their rights and improving their working and living conditions. Lopez did not neglect the indigenous communities, an often marginalised segment of Colombian society. Although modest, the measures taken to recognise and respect their rights signalled a desire to include these communities in the country's wider social and economic fabric.
| | 1934 年，阿方索-洛佩斯-普马雷霍当选，哥伦比亚进入了一个重大变革的时代，其特点是推行了一系列渐进式改革，这些改革被概括为 "前进中的革命 "计划。该计划受到墨西哥革命的启发，反映了在大萧条挑战加剧之后，人们对社会正义和经济复苏的日益渴望。洛佩斯发起的宪法改革本身并不激进，但它为更大程度地致力于社会包容和经济公平奠定了基础。他对宪法进行了修改，使哥伦比亚的政治和社会制度更具包容性，更能满足普通公民的需求，摆脱了以往国家治理的僵化结构。男性普选权的引入是决定性的一步。它标志着向更具参与性的民主过渡，在这一过渡中，政治权利扩大到了更广泛的人口群体。这一改革鼓励了更多样化的政治代表，有助于促进公共辩论和公民参与。教育和工会改革也是核心内容。洛佩斯认识到，教育是社会和经济改善的重要载体。扩大受教育机会的举措旨在让民众掌握全面参与现代经济所需的技能和知识。与此同时，洛佩斯还推动成立工会，为工人提供了捍卫自身权利、改善工作和生活条件的途径。洛佩斯并没有忽视哥伦比亚社会中经常被边缘化的土著社区。虽然力度不大，但为承认和尊重他们的权利而采取的措施表明了将这些社区纳入国家更广泛的社会和经济结构的愿望。 |
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| The "Revolution on the Move" under López's leadership was a major response to the profound economic and social challenges triggered by the Great Depression in Colombia. At a time of deepening poverty, inequality and unemployment, López's efforts to transform society and the economy were a bold attempt to turn the country around. López's reforms, while considered limited, symbolise a tectonic shift in Colombia's political and social approach. They embody a drive towards a more humanised political and social space geared towards the well-being of the masses. The persistent challenges of poverty and inequality were brought to the fore, triggering a process of transformation which, although gradual, marked a remarkable departure from previous policies. The introduction of universal suffrage for men, the promotion of education and unionisation, and the increased recognition of indigenous communities are tangible manifestations of this progressive change. Each initiative, each reform, was a thread in the fabric of a nation seeking to reimagine and rebuild itself in a rapidly changing and unpredictable world. Lopez sought to build a country where opportunities were not restricted to an elite, but were accessible to the greatest number. Economic disparities, social disparities and barriers to progress were not just physical barriers but psychological barriers, barriers to a sense of national belonging and collective identity. The "Revolution in Progress", in all its ambition, was not just a series of policies and reforms. It was an awakening, a call to action that still resonates in the history of Colombia. It is proof of the nation's resilience in the face of adversity and a testament to the never-ending aspirations for a just, balanced and equitable society. As the Great Depression revealed the cracks in the country's economic and social structure, Lopez's response, albeit limited, provided a glimmer of hope. It affirmed that progress was possible, that change was attainable, and that the nation, despite its challenges and uncertainties, was capable of adapting, transforming and renewing itself in its relentless quest for justice and equity.
| | 洛佩斯领导的 "运动中的革命 "是对哥伦比亚大萧条引发的深刻经济和社会挑战的重大回应。在贫困、不平等和失业问题日益严重的情况下，洛佩斯改革社会和经济的努力是扭转国家局面的一次大胆尝试。洛佩斯的改革虽然被认为是有限的，但却象征着哥伦比亚政治和社会方针的结构性转变。这些改革体现了为人民大众的福祉创造更加人性化的政治和社会空间的努力。贫穷和不平等这些长期存在的挑战被摆在了突出位置，引发了一个虽然是渐进的，但标志着与以往政策截然不同的变革进程。男性普选权的引入、教育和工会的推广以及对土著社区的进一步认可，都是这一渐进变革的具体体现。每一项举措，每一项改革，都是一个国家在瞬息万变、难以预测的世界中寻求重新认识和重建自己的一条主线。洛佩兹力求建设一个机会不局限于精英阶层，而是让最大多数人都能享有的国家。经济差距、社会差距和进步障碍不仅是物质上的障碍，也是心理上的障碍，是国家归属感和集体认同感的障碍。进步革命 "的雄心壮志不仅仅是一系列政策和改革。它是一种觉醒，一种行动的号召，至今仍在哥伦比亚的历史中回响。它证明了哥伦比亚在逆境中的韧性，也证明了人们对公正、平衡和公平社会永无止境的渴望。大萧条暴露了国家经济和社会结构的裂缝，洛佩斯的应对措施尽管有限，却带来了一线希望。它肯定了进步是可能的，变革是可以实现的，国家尽管面临挑战和不确定性，但有能力在不懈追求公正和公平的过程中进行自我调整、变革和更新。 |
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| In 1938, the momentum of transformation and hope established by Lopez was brutally interrupted. A military coup, like an impromptu storm, wiped out the promising horizon that the "Revolution in Progress" had begun to sketch out. Lopez was ousted from power, and with him went a vision of the country in which reforms and the aspiration to social and economic progress were at the heart of the national agenda. The rise to power of the far-right military regime marked a return to the shadows of repression and authoritarianism. Opposition voices were muzzled, aspirations for change stifled, and the trade unions, those bastions of workers' solidarity and social progress, were forced into silence and impotence. The regime erects walls of intolerance and repression, relentlessly reversing and erasing the gains made under Lopez. This abrupt turn towards authoritarianism extinguished the flame of progressive reform and plunged Colombia into an era of dark repression. The "Revolution on the Move", once a source of hope and transformation, became a distant memory, a shooting star in the Colombian political sky, eclipsed by the dark glow of military dictatorship. It's a time when hope is dying and fear and intimidation reign. Social and political progress was not only halted but reversed, like a ship that was once bold but is now bogged down, unable to free itself from the shackles of authoritarianism that are holding it back. Colombia's history, at this point, becomes a tale of lost opportunities and unfulfilled dreams. The echoes of the "Revolution on the march" still ring out, a poignant reminder of what could have been, but was violently interrupted by military intervention. This episode in Colombian history illustrates the fragility of progress and the precariousness of democracy in a world prey to volatile and unpredictable political forces.
| | 1938 年，洛佩兹建立的变革和希望的势头被残酷地打断了。一场军事政变，就像一场临时起意的风暴，将 "进步革命 "开始勾勒的充满希望的地平线一扫而空。洛佩斯被赶下了台，随他而去的是国家的愿景，即改革以及对社会和经济进步的渴望成为国家议程的核心。极右翼军事政权的上台标志着镇压和专制主义阴影的重现。反对的声音被压制，变革的愿望被扼杀，工会--工人团结和社会进步的堡垒--被迫陷入沉默和无能。该政权竖起了不容忍和镇压的高墙，无情地逆转和抹杀了在洛佩兹统治下取得的成果。专制主义的突然转向熄灭了进步改革的火焰，使哥伦比亚陷入了黑暗镇压的时代。曾经带来希望和变革的 "运动中的革命 "成为遥远的记忆，成为哥伦比亚政治天空中的一颗流星，被军事独裁的黑暗光芒所掩盖。这是一个希望消逝、恐惧和恐吓盛行的时代。社会和政治进步不仅停滞不前，而且出现倒退，就像一艘曾经勇往直前的航船，如今却陷入困境，无法摆脱专制主义的枷锁。在这一点上，哥伦比亚的历史变成了一个失去机会和无法实现梦想的故事。革命在前进 "的回声仍在响起，凄厉地提醒人们，本来可以实现的目标却被军事干预粗暴地打断了。哥伦比亚历史上的这一插曲说明，在一个充满动荡和不可预测的政治力量的世界中，进步是脆弱的，民主是不稳定的。 |
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| The reign of Alfonso Lopez is an ambiguous chapter in Colombian history. On the one hand, his liberal policies attracted the support of urban dwellers and the working class, marking an era of optimism and progressive reform. However, on the other hand, a critical flaw in his governance was his neglect of rural areas, where small-scale coffee growers lived, forgotten and marginalised. Their existence was shaped by relentless self-exploitation and toil, which unfortunately did not translate into an improvement in their living conditions. The Lopez era, although illuminated by the light of reform in the cities, left the countryside in the dark, an omission that was to have tragic consequences. Violencia" emerged not from a vacuum, but from an accumulation of frustration, misery and neglect. As the Second World War shook the globe, Colombia was dragged into its own internal storm, a brutal and devastating conflict. More than 250,000 peasants lost their lives, a human tragedy exacerbated by a massive rural exodus. Colombia's cities, once bastions of progress under Lopez, are now the scene of a massive influx of rural refugees, each with a story of loss and suffering. The duality of the Lopez era is revealed in full light - a period when hope and neglect coexisted, sowing the seeds of a conflict that would profoundly mark Colombian history. Violencia" is a reflection of these untreated seeds of despair and injustice, a stark reminder that prosperity and reform in urban centres cannot mask the abandonment and distress of rural areas. It is a painful chapter, where ignored voices rise up in an explosion of violence, and Colombia is forced to confront the omitted shadows of the liberal era, a confrontation that reveals the devastating human costs of inattention and neglect.
| | 阿方索-洛佩斯的统治是哥伦比亚历史上模棱两可的一章。一方面，他的自由政策吸引了城市居民和工人阶级的支持，标志着一个乐观主义和进步改革的时代。然而，另一方面，他在治理方面的一个关键缺陷是忽视了农村地区，那里生活着被遗忘和边缘化的小规模咖啡种植者。他们的生存方式是无休止的自我剥削和辛勤劳作，但不幸的是，这并没有改善他们的生活条件。洛佩斯时代，虽然城市的改革之光照亮了乡村，但乡村却被蒙在鼓里，这一疏忽造成了悲剧性的后果。暴力 "不是从真空中产生的，而是从挫折、苦难和忽视的积累中产生的。第二次世界大战震撼全球，哥伦比亚也被卷入了自己的内部风暴，一场残酷的毁灭性冲突。超过 25 万农民丧生，农村人口大规模外流加剧了这场人间悲剧。哥伦比亚的城市曾经是洛佩斯统治下的进步堡垒，如今却成为大量农村难民涌入的场所，每一个人都有一个关于损失和苦难的故事。洛佩斯时代的两面性一览无余--希望与忽视并存的时期，播下了冲突的种子，这将在哥伦比亚历史上留下深刻的印记。暴力 "反映了这些绝望和不公正的种子没有得到及时处理，它严酷地提醒人们，城市中心的繁荣和改革无法掩盖农村地区的荒芜和苦难。这是一个痛苦的篇章，在这里，被忽视的声音在暴力的爆炸中崛起，哥伦比亚被迫面对自由时代遗漏的阴影，这场对抗揭示了疏忽和忽视给人类带来的毁灭性代价。 |
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| = The case of Cuba: Revolution and military coup = | | = 古巴的情况： 革命和军事政变 = |
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| Over the course of the 20th century, Cuba underwent a remarkable political, economic and social transformation. The Caribbean island, bathed in the wealth of its sugar production, found its economy and, by extension, its political destiny, inextricably linked to the power of the North, the United States. During this period, more than 80% of Cuban sugar was shipped to American shores. This economic dependence mirrored a reality of dichotomies - an opulent elite, bathed in the luxuriance of wealth, and a majority, the workers, who reaped the bitterness of poverty and inequality. 1959 will go down in Cuban history as the dawn of a revolutionary renaissance. Fidel Castro, a name that will resonate through the ages, emerged as the face of a successful insurrection against the regime of Fulgencio Batista, a man whose governance bore the imprint of American interests. Under Castro's reign, a socialist revolution took root. The vast expanses of sugar plantations, once symbols of American economic hegemony, were nationalised. A far-reaching agrarian reform unfolded, a breath of fresh air for the exhausted and marginalised rural workers. However, the revolution was not without international consequences. Relations with the United States cooled, plunging into an abyss of mistrust and hostility. The trade embargo was erected, an economic wall that would leave lasting scars. The Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961, a failed attempt by the United States to overthrow Castro, marked the boiling point of geopolitical tensions. And yet, despite the political and economic storms, the Cuban revolution has been a beacon of social improvement. Education, healthcare and social equality are rising, shining stars in a sky once darkened by inequality and oppression. Over the decades, Cuba has remained a bastion of socialism. A country where the echoes of the 1959 revolution still resonate, a testament to the resilience and transformation of a nation that has struggled between the shackles of economic dependence and the yearning for sovereignty and equality.
| | 20 世纪，古巴经历了一场引人注目的政治、经济和社会变革。这个加勒比岛国沐浴在蔗糖生产带来的财富中，发现自己的经济以及政治命运与北方强国美国密不可分。在此期间，超过 80% 的古巴蔗糖被运往美国海岸。这种经济上的依赖性反映了一个两极分化的现实--富裕的精英阶层沐浴在奢华的财富之中，而大多数工人则饱尝贫穷和不平等的苦果。1959 年将作为革命复兴的曙光载入古巴史册。菲德尔-卡斯特罗这个名字将响彻千古，他是反对富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔（Fulgencio Batista）政权的成功起义的代言人，巴蒂斯塔的统治打上了美国利益的烙印。在卡斯特罗的统治下，社会主义革命生根发芽。曾经是美国经济霸权象征的大片蔗糖种植园被收归国有。一场影响深远的土地改革展开了，为疲惫不堪、被边缘化的农村工人带来了一股新鲜空气。然而，革命并非没有国际影响。与美国的关系降温，陷入了不信任和敌对的深渊。贸易禁运开始实施，这堵经济之墙将留下永久的伤痕。1961 年，美国入侵猪湾，企图推翻卡斯特罗，但以失败告终，标志着地缘政治紧张局势达到了沸点。然而，尽管经历了政治和经济风暴，古巴革命一直是社会进步的灯塔。教育、医疗保健和社会平等正在崛起，成为曾经被不平等和压迫所笼罩的天空中闪亮的星星。几十年来，古巴一直是社会主义的堡垒。在这个国家，1959 年革命的回声仍在回荡，这证明了一个在经济依赖的枷锁与对主权和平等的渴望之间挣扎的民族的韧性和变革。 |
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| The deep inequality and poverty that had sunk their claws into Cuban soil provoked social and political convulsions, testifying to the restlessness of a population yearning for justice and fairness. The dark reality of oppression and injustice was illuminated in 1933 when Fulgencio Batista, at the head of a military insurrection, orchestrated a coup d'état that swept away the government in power. Batista's dictatorship ushered in an era of control and authoritarianism, a reign that lasted until the emblematic revolution of 1959. The revolution, carried by the winds of change and the aspiration for freedom, saw Fidel Castro and the 26 July Movement rise up as the faces of an insurrection that would resonate throughout the annals of history. Batista, the central figure of the dictatorship, was overthrown, marking the end of one era and the beginning of a new one. The advent of the socialist state in Cuba under the banner of Castro was a turning point in the nation's political and economic landscape. It was a revolution that did more than simply depose a dictator; it was a revolution that bore the seeds of social and economic transformation. The echoes of the revolution reverberated through the corridors of power and the streets of Cuba. American companies, once the titans of the Cuban economy, were nationalised. A wave of social and economic reforms swept the country, a rising tide aimed at eradicating deep-rooted inequalities and raising the living standards of the Cuban people. In the wake of the revolution, a transformed nation has emerged. Inequality and oppression, while still present, were now being challenged by the winds of change, and a new era in Cuban history was taking shape, marked by socialism, the aspiration for equity and the relentless pursuit of social justice.
| | 深陷古巴土地的不平等和贫困引发了社会和政治动荡，证明了古巴人民渴望正义和公平的躁动。1933 年，富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔率领军队发动叛乱，策划了一场政变，一举推翻了当权政府。巴蒂斯塔的独裁统治开创了一个控制和专制的时代，这一统治一直持续到 1959 年的标志性革命。在这场革命中，菲德尔-卡斯特罗和 "7-26 "运动在变革之风和对自由的渴望的推动下揭竿而起，这场起义将载入史册。独裁政权的核心人物巴蒂斯塔被推翻，标志着一个时代的结束和一个新时代的开始。在卡斯特罗的旗帜下，古巴出现了社会主义国家，这是古巴政治和经济格局的转折点。这场革命不仅仅是推翻了一个独裁者，它还孕育了社会和经济转型的种子。革命的回声回荡在古巴的权力走廊和大街小巷。曾经是古巴经济巨头的美国公司被国有化。社会和经济改革浪潮席卷全国，旨在消除根深蒂固的不平等，提高古巴人民的生活水平。革命之后，一个焕然一新的国家出现了。不平等和压迫虽然依然存在，但现在正受到变革之风的挑战，一个以社会主义、对公平的渴望和对社会正义的不懈追求为标志的古巴历史新时代正在形成。 |
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| The Cuban sugar industry, once prosperous and abundant, was plunged into chaos and desolation between 1929 and 1933, an unsuspecting victim of the great economic calamity known as the Great Depression. Sugar, sweet in taste but bitter in its economic repercussions, saw its prices plummet by more than 60%, a precipitous descent that sounded the death knell for past prosperity. Exports, once the backbone of the Cuban economy, have declined dramatically, plunging by more than 80% and taking with them the hopes and aspirations of an entire nation. In the plantations and sugar cane fields, the large landowners, once dominant figures of prosperity, have been reduced to desperate measures. Faced with a market that was deteriorating by the day, they cut production and lowered farm wages by 75%. It was an act of desperation and necessity that resonated in every nook and cranny of the island. Seasonal workers from Haiti and Jamaica, once essential to the smooth running of the sugar industry, were sacked en masse. An enforced exodus of those who had once found a place under the Cuban sun. Hundreds of small factories and shops, once bastions of the local economy, have been declared bankrupt, their doors closed, their hopes dashed. The ripple effect was devastating. In 1933, a quarter of the working population was plunged into the abyss of unemployment, a bleak and desolate reality. A population faced with economic desolation, where 60% lived below the subsistence minimum, confronted every day with the harsh reality of an existence marked by poverty and deprivation. Cuba, an island once bathed in sunshine and prosperity, was now a nation plunged into the dark embrace of economic desolation, an unwitting victim of the Great Depression that swept the world, taking with it the hopes, dreams and aspirations of a once prosperous nation.
| | 曾经繁荣富庶的古巴制糖业在 1929 年至 1933 年间陷入混乱和荒芜，成为被称为 "大萧条 "的巨大经济灾难的牺牲品。蔗糖味道甜美，但对经济的影响却是苦涩的，其价格暴跌了 60% 以上，这种断崖式的下跌为过去的繁荣敲响了丧钟。出口曾经是古巴经济的支柱，如今却急剧下降，跌幅超过 80%，同时也带走了整个国家的希望和愿望。在种植园和甘蔗地里，曾经是繁荣主宰的大地主们已经陷入绝境。面对日益恶化的市场，他们削减了产量，并将农场工资降低了 75%。这是一种绝望和迫不得已的行为，在岛上的每个角落都引起了共鸣。来自海地和牙买加的季节性工人曾是制糖业顺利运转的关键，但现在却被大批解雇。那些曾经在古巴的阳光下找到一席之地的人被迫离开。数百家曾经是当地经济堡垒的小工厂和小商店宣告破产，大门紧闭，希望破灭。连锁反应是毁灭性的。1933 年，四分之一的劳动人口陷入了失业的深渊，这是一个凄凉的现实。60%的人生活在最低生活保障线以下，每天都要面对贫穷和匮乏的残酷现实。古巴，这个曾经沐浴在阳光和繁荣中的岛国，如今却陷入了经济荒芜的黑暗怀抱，不知不觉成为了席卷全球的大萧条的受害者，它带走了这个曾经繁荣昌盛的国家的希望、梦想和抱负。 |
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| As his presidency progressed, Machado was transformed into an authoritarian ruler. As the Great Depression exerted its cruel grip on the Cuban economy, exacerbating social and economic tensions, Machado's style of government became increasingly oppressive. As the sugar industry, the backbone of the Cuban economy, withered under the weight of falling prices and demand, Machado found himself facing growing opposition. The popularity he enjoyed as he inaugurated infrastructure projects and launched reforms evaporated, replaced by discontent and protest. Machado, once celebrated for his nationalist and liberal policies, responded to this protest with repression. Civil liberties were eroded, political opposition muzzled, and political violence became commonplace. Machado's tenure, which had begun with the promise of an era of progress and modernisation, was overshadowed by authoritarianism and repression. The infrastructure projects that were once the hallmark of his leadership faded into the shadows of social and political injustice. The Cuban nation, initially full of hope and optimism under his leadership, found itself plunged into a period of despair and repression. Machado's transition to authoritarian rule was also facilitated by the global economic crisis. With the economic recession and falling state revenues, his efforts to strengthen executive power were accelerated. His government became notorious for corruption, press censorship and the use of military force to suppress demonstrations and opposition movements. Gerardo Machado's presidency became synonymous with authoritarian rule and repressive governance, marked by a dramatic decline in civil and political liberties. His tenure, once marked by hope and promise, descended into oppression and tyranny, underlining the fragility of fledgling democracies in the face of economic and social crises. Machado, once a symbol of progress, became a sombre warning of the perils of authoritarianism, marking a dark chapter in Cuba's political and social history.
| | 随着总统任期的延长，马查多变成了一个独裁统治者。大萧条残酷地控制着古巴经济，加剧了社会和经济紧张局势，马查多的政府风格也变得越来越专制。作为古巴经济支柱的制糖业在价格和需求下降的重压下逐渐萎缩，马查多发现自己面临着越来越多的反对意见。他在启动基础设施项目和推行改革时享有的声望烟消云散，取而代之的是不满和抗议。马查多曾因其民族主义和自由主义政策而备受赞誉，但他却以镇压来回应这种抗议。公民自由受到侵蚀，政治反对派被钳制，政治暴力司空见惯。马查多的任期开始时曾许诺一个进步和现代化的时代，但后来却被专制和镇压蒙上了阴影。曾经是他领导力标志的基础设施项目逐渐消失在社会和政治不公正的阴影中。在他的领导下，古巴民族最初充满希望和乐观，但后来却陷入了绝望和镇压。全球经济危机也助长了马查多向独裁统治的过渡。随着经济衰退和国家收入减少，他加强行政权力的努力也加速了。他的政府因腐败、新闻检查和使用军事力量镇压示威游行和反对派运动而臭名昭著。赫拉尔多-马查多的总统任期成为了专制统治和压制性治理的代名词，其特点是公民和政治自由急剧下降。他的任期一度充满希望和承诺，但后来却陷入压迫和暴政，凸显了新生民主政体在经济和社会危机面前的脆弱性。马查多曾经是进步的象征，如今却成了独裁危险的阴暗警告，成为古巴政治和社会历史上黑暗的一章。 |
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| Machado's transformation into an authoritarian leader coincided with the deterioration of economic conditions in Cuba, exacerbated by the Great Depression. Public frustrations, already exacerbated by rampant corruption and concentration of power, intensified in response to worsening poverty, unemployment and economic instability. In this tense context, Machado opted for an iron fist, exacerbating popular mistrust and discontent. Demonstrations against his regime multiplied, and the government's brutal response created a cycle of protest and repression. Machado's repressive actions, in turn, galvanised the opposition and led to an increasing radicalisation of protest groups. The erosion of civil liberties and human rights under Machado isolated his regime not only domestically, but also internationally. His actions have attracted the attention and criticism of foreign governments, international organisations and the global media, exacerbating the ongoing political crisis. The atmosphere of mistrust, fear and repression has led to an escalation of violence and instability, with devastating consequences for Cuban society. The country, once promising under Machado's initial reforms, was now caught up in a whirlwind of protests, repression and political crisis.
| | 马查多转变为独裁领导人的同时，古巴的经济状况也在恶化，大萧条更是雪上加霜。公众的不满情绪本已因腐败猖獗和权力集中而加剧，又因贫困、失业和经济不稳定的恶化而加剧。在这种紧张局势下，马查多选择了铁腕手段，加剧了民众的不信任和不满。反对其政权的示威活动成倍增加，而政府的粗暴回应则造成了抗议和镇压的循环。马查多的镇压行动反过来又激发了反对派的斗志，导致抗议团体日益激进化。在马查多统治下，公民自由和人权受到侵蚀，这不仅使其政权在国内孤立无援，在国际上也是如此。他的行为引起了外国政府、国际组织和全球媒体的关注和批评，加剧了当前的政治危机。不信任、恐惧和镇压的气氛导致暴力和不稳定升级，给古巴社会带来了破坏性后果。在马查多的初步改革下，这个国家一度充满希望，但现在却陷入了抗议、镇压和政治危机的旋涡。 |
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| Machado's resignation in 1933 was hailed by large sections of the Cuban population as a victory against authoritarianism and repression. However, the initial relief quickly dissipated in the face of persistent challenges and political turbulence. The power vacuum left by Machado led to a period of instability, with various political and military actors fighting for control of the country. The economic situation remained precarious. The Great Depression had left deep scars, and the population faced unemployment, poverty and economic uncertainty. Despite Machado's departure, the structural challenges facing the Cuban economy, which was largely dependent on sugar and vulnerable to fluctuations in the world market, remained unresolved. Against this tumultuous backdrop, public expectations for radical change and improved living conditions came up against the harsh reality of economic and political constraints. Reforms were urgent, but implementation was hampered by political polarisation, conflicting interests and foreign interference. The United States, in particular, continued to play an influential role in Cuban politics. Although it was criticised for its support for Machado, its economic and political influence remained a determining factor. Cuba's dependence on US investment and the US market complicated efforts to achieve independent and sovereign reform. Machado's legacy was therefore a complex one. Although he initiated modernisation and development projects, his turn towards authoritarianism and repression led to a breakdown in trust with the Cuban people. His departure ushered in a new political era, but the structural, social and economic problems of the Machado era continued, echoing the challenges and tensions that would continue to characterise Cuban politics and society in the decades that followed.
| | 1933 年，马查多辞职，古巴大部分民众欢呼这是反对专制和镇压的胜利。然而，面对持续的挑战和政治动荡，最初的欣慰很快就烟消云散了。马查多留下的权力真空导致了一段时期的不稳定，各种政治和军事行为体为争夺对国家的控制权而大打出手。经济形势依然岌岌可危。大萧条留下了深深的伤痕，民众面临失业、贫困和经济不确定性。尽管马查多离开了古巴，但古巴经济面临的结构性挑战仍未解决，古巴经济主要依赖蔗糖，易受世界市场波动的影响。在这种动荡的背景下，公众对彻底变革和改善生活条件的期望与经济和政治限制的严酷现实不期而遇。改革迫在眉睫，但政治两极分化、利益冲突和外国干涉阻碍了改革的实施。尤其是美国，继续在古巴政治中发挥着有影响力的作用。尽管美国因支持马查多而受到批评，但其经济和政治影响力仍是决定性因素。古巴对美国投资和美国市场的依赖使实现独立和主权改革的努力复杂化。因此，马查多留下的遗产是复杂的。虽然他发起了现代化和发展项目，但他转向独裁和镇压的做法导致了与古巴人民之间信任的破裂。他的离去开创了一个新的政治时代，但马查多时代的结构、社会和经济问题仍在继续，这与此后几十年古巴政治和社会所面临的挑战和紧张局势如出一辙。 |
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| Popular discontent with Machado's presidency was amplified by the economic misery resulting from the Great Depression. As sugar prices collapsed and unemployment rose, Machado's response was perceived as inadequate, even oppressive. His repression of demonstrations, increased control over the media and imposition of censorship exacerbated the situation, fuelling popular frustration and mistrust. The climate of mistrust and antagonism was fertile ground for the growth of radical movements. Communists, socialists and anarchists gained ground, galvanising general discontent to advance their respective ideologies. Their actions, often characterised by radicalism and sometimes violence, have added a layer of complexity to Cuba's turbulent political landscape. These movements, each with its own ideologies and tactics, were united by a common opposition to Machado's authoritarianism. They called for far-reaching political, economic and social reforms to improve the lives of the working and marginalised classes. These calls were particularly resonant in the context of exacerbated economic inequality and social distress resulting from the Depression. Growing social discontent led to an escalation of oppositional actions. Strikes multiplied, paralysing key sectors of the economy. Demonstrations intensified, growing in scale and intensity. Acts of sabotage and violence became increasingly common tactics for expressing opposition and challenging Machado's authority. Against this backdrop, Machado's position became more fragile. His inability to appease public discontent, carry out meaningful reforms and respond adequately to the economic crisis has eroded his legitimacy. Repression and authoritarian measures only succeeded in galvanising the opposition, turning his regime into a hotbed of instability and conflict. The Machado era is a clear example of the complex dynamic between authoritarianism, economic crisis and political radicalisation. It set the stage for a tumultuous period in Cuba's history, characterised by power struggles, instability and the ongoing search for a balance between authority, freedom and social justice.
| | 大萧条造成的经济困境加剧了民众对马查多总统任期的不满。随着糖价崩溃和失业率上升，马查多的应对措施被认为是不够的，甚至是压制性的。他镇压示威游行、加强对媒体的控制和实行新闻检查，加剧了局势的恶化，助长了民众的挫败感和不信任。不信任和对立的气氛为激进运动的发展提供了肥沃的土壤。共产主义者、社会主义者和无政府主义者利用普遍的不满情绪推进各自的意识形态，从而赢得了地盘。他们的行动往往以激进主义为特征，有时甚至使用暴力，给古巴动荡的政治局面增添了一层复杂性。这些运动各有各的意识形态和策略，但都因共同反对马查多的独裁统治而团结在一起。他们呼吁进行意义深远的政治、经济和社会改革，以改善工人阶级和边缘化阶层的生活。在经济大萧条导致经济不平等和社会困境加剧的背景下，这些呼吁尤其引起了共鸣。日益增长的社会不满情绪导致了反对行动的升级。罢工成倍增加，使主要经济部门陷入瘫痪。示威游行愈演愈烈，规模越来越大，强度越来越高。破坏和暴力行动日益成为表达反对意见和挑战马查多权威的常用手段。在此背景下，马查多的地位变得更加脆弱。他无力平息公众的不满情绪、进行有意义的改革和充分应对经济危机，这削弱了他的合法性。镇压和独裁措施只能成功地激发反对派的力量，使其政权成为不稳定和冲突的温床。马查多时代是专制主义、经济危机和政治激进化之间复杂动态的一个明显例子。它为古巴历史上的动荡时期埋下了伏笔，这段时期的特点是权力斗争、不稳定以及不断寻求权力、自由和社会正义之间的平衡。 |
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| This spiral of oppression and rebellion marked a dark chapter in Cuban history. Machado's regime, mired in an economic crisis exacerbated by the Great Depression and faced with growing opposition, resorted to brutal repression to retain power. State violence and violations of civil and political rights were commonplace. Each act of repression helped to fuel an atmosphere of mistrust and indignation among citizens, exacerbating instability. Fundamental human rights were often flouted. Political opponents, activists and even ordinary citizens were exposed to violence, arbitrary detention and other forms of intimidation and repression. Freedom of expression, assembly and other civil liberties were severely restricted, reinforcing a climate of fear and mistrust. At the same time, the opposition has become more organised and determined. Activist groups and resistance movements have grown in strength and popular support, building on widespread outrage at the regime's brutality and continuing economic hardship. Clashes between police and demonstrators were frequent and often violent, turning parts of the country into conflict zones. Cuba's international relations were also affected. Machado's actions attracted international attention and criticism. Neighbouring countries, international organisations and world powers watched developments with concern, aware of the potential implications for regional stability and international relations. The Machado era has become synonymous with repression, human rights abuses and instability. It is a cautionary reminder of the complexity and challenges inherent in managing deep economic and political crises, and of the potential dangers of unchecked authoritarian rule. The echoes of that period resonate in the challenges and questions that continue to shape Cuba and the region to this day.
| | 这种压迫和反叛的螺旋式上升标志着古巴历史上黑暗的一章。马查多政权深陷因大萧条而加剧的经济危机，面对越来越多的反对派，不得不采取残酷镇压的手段来保住政权。国家暴力以及侵犯公民权利和政治权利的行为司空见惯。每一次镇压都助长了公民之间的不信任和愤怒，加剧了不稳定。基本人权经常遭到践踏。政治反对派、活动家甚至普通公民都可能遭受暴力、任意拘留和其他形式的恐吓和镇压。言论、集会和其他公民自由受到严格限制，恐惧和不信任的气氛更加浓厚。与此同时，反对派变得更加有组织和坚定。激进团体和抵抗运动的力量不断壮大，民众的支持也在不断增加，这一切都源于人们对政权暴行和持续经济困难的普遍愤慨。警察与示威者之间的冲突时有发生，而且经常是暴力冲突，使古巴部分地区变成了冲突地区。古巴的国际关系也受到了影响。马查多的行动引起了国际社会的关注和批评。邻国、国际组织和世界大国关切地注视着事态的发展，意识到对地区稳定和国际关系的潜在影响。马查多时代已成为镇压、侵犯人权和不稳定的代名词。它警示人们在管理深刻的经济和政治危机时所固有的复杂性和挑战，以及不受约束的独裁统治的潜在危险。那段时期的回声在至今仍影响着古巴和该地区的各种挑战和问题中回响。 |
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| Machado's exile marked a dramatic and intense turning point in Cuba's political crisis. His departure, however, did not calm popular unrest or resolve the deep-seated structural problems that animated the rebellion. The Cuban people, tired of authoritarianism and repression, were deeply engaged in a struggle for social justice, democracy and economic reform. The general strike that led to Machado's exile reflected the potential power of popular collective action. It was a manifestation of deep and widespread discontent, and a response to the years of oppression, corruption and mismanagement that had characterised his regime. The Cuban people had reached a breaking point, and the general strike was a concrete expression of this. The American intervention, although unsuccessful, underlines the impact and influence of the United States in the region, particularly in Cuba. The complex and often conflictual relationship between Cuba and the United States has been shaped by decades of intervention, support for authoritarian regimes and geopolitical manoeuvring. Machado's exile, far from resolving the crisis, left a power vacuum and deep uncertainty. The question of Cuba's political and economic future remained unanswered. Who would fill the vacuum left by Machado's fall? What reforms would be needed to meet the profound social and economic demands of the Cuban people? And how would relations with the United States evolve in the light of this political upheaval? The days and weeks following Machado's exile were characterised by continued uncertainty and instability. Power struggles, unmet social and political demands and foreign intervention would continue to shape the Cuban landscape in the years to come, ultimately leading to the Cuban Revolution of 1959 and the rise of Fidel Castro. This tumultuous period in Cuban history offers valuable insight into the complex dynamics of power, resistance and international intervention in a nation in crisis.
| | 马查多的流亡标志着古巴政治危机中一个戏剧性的重大转折点。然而，他的离开并没有平息民众的骚乱，也没有解决引发叛乱的根深蒂固的结构性问题。古巴人民厌倦了专制和镇压，正在为争取社会正义、民主和经济改革而深入斗争。导致马查多流亡的大罢工反映了民众集体行动的潜在力量。这是深刻而广泛的不满情绪的体现，也是对马查多政权多年来的压迫、腐败和管理不善的回应。古巴人民已经到了忍无可忍的地步，而大罢工正是这种忍无可忍的具体表现。美国的干预虽然没有成功，但凸显了美国在该地区，特别是在古巴的影响和作用。数十年的干预、对独裁政权的支持以及地缘政治的操纵，塑造了古巴与美国之间复杂且经常冲突的关系。马查多的流亡不仅没有解决危机，反而留下了权力真空和严重的不确定性。古巴的政治和经济未来问题仍然没有答案。谁将填补马查多下台后留下的真空？需要进行哪些改革才能满足古巴人民深刻的社会和经济需求？与美国的关系又将如何在这场政治动荡中发展？马查多流亡后的几天和几周内，古巴局势持续动荡不安。权力斗争、未得到满足的社会和政治要求以及外国干预将在未来几年继续影响古巴的格局，最终导致 1959 年古巴革命和菲德尔-卡斯特罗的崛起。古巴历史上的这段动荡时期为我们提供了宝贵的视角，让我们了解一个处于危机中的国家的权力、抵抗和国际干预的复杂动态。 |
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| The fall of an authoritarian regime can often leave a vacuum of power and governance, leading to instability and sometimes chaos. This is what happened in Cuba after Machado's exile in 1933. A heterogeneous coalition made up of various political and civil society groups emerged in an attempt to fill this vacuum and govern the country. However, without strong leadership or a unified political vision, the coalition struggled to establish a stable order or to satisfy the diverse and complex aspirations of the Cuban people. The ensuing anarchy is testament to the challenges faced by a nation trying to rebuild itself after years of authoritarian rule. The old power structures have been discredited, but the new ones are not yet in place. Political factions, interest groups and ordinary citizens are all engaged in a struggle to define the country's future. In Cuba, this struggle has manifested itself in increased violence and instability. Militias and armed groups have taken to the streets, fighting for control and influence in an increasingly fragmented political landscape. The ruling coalition, although representing a broad cross-section of Cuban society, has failed to restore order or present a clear and coherent vision for the country's future. The political and social instability of this period has had a lasting impact on Cuba. It highlighted the challenges inherent in the transition from authoritarian rule to more democratic and inclusive governance. It also paved the way for the emergence of new forms of leadership and governance, and helped shape the Cuban political landscape for decades to come. Against this backdrop of crisis and uncertainty, the resilience, adaptability and ability of Cubans to navigate extremely difficult conditions have become apparent. These attributes will be crucial in the years ahead, as the country continues to transform and adapt to new challenges and opportunities. The complexity of this transition is a powerful reminder of the challenges inherent in any major political transformation, and of the need for a clear and coherent vision to guide a country towards a more stable and prosperous future.[[Fichier:BatistaHeadCropped1938.jpg|thumb|100px|right|Fulgencio Batista in Washington, D.C. in 1938.]]
| | 专制政权的垮台往往会留下权力和治理真空，导致不稳定，有时甚至是混乱。这就是 1933 年马查多流亡后古巴发生的情况。一个由各种政治和民间社会团体组成的异质联盟出现了，试图填补这一真空并治理国家。然而，由于缺乏强有力的领导或统一的政治愿景，该联盟难以建立稳定的秩序，也难以满足古巴人民多样而复杂的愿望。随之而来的无政府状态证明了一个国家在多年专制统治后试图重建所面临的挑战。旧的权力结构已经丧失信誉，但新的权力结构尚未建立。政治派别、利益集团和普通公民都在为确定国家的未来而斗争。在古巴，这场斗争表现为暴力和不稳定的加剧。民兵和武装团体走上街头，在日益分裂的政治格局中争夺控制权和影响力。执政联盟虽然代表了古巴社会的广泛阶层，但却未能恢复秩序，也未能为国家的未来提出清晰而一致的愿景。这一时期的政治和社会动荡对古巴产生了持久的影响。它凸显了从独裁统治向更加民主和包容的治理过渡所固有的挑战。它也为新形式的领导和治理的出现铺平了道路，并帮助塑造了古巴未来几十年的政治格局。在危机和不确定性的背景下，古巴人在极端困难的条件下所表现出的韧性、适应性和能力显而易见。在未来的岁月里，随着古巴继续转型并适应新的挑战和机遇，这些特质将至关重要。这一过渡的复杂性有力地提醒我们，任何重大的政治变革都存在固有的挑战，需要有一个清晰、一致的愿景来引导一个国家走向更加稳定和繁荣的未来。[[Fichier:BatistaHeadCropped1938.jpg|thumb|100px|right|1938 年，富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔（Fulgencio Batista）在华盛顿特区。]] |
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| This post-Machado period in Cuban history is often described as a time of chaos, confusion and radical transformation. Machado's departure, while a relief for many, did not instantly resolve the country's deep political, economic and social divisions. On the contrary, it opened the door to an explosion of restrained forces, conflicting ideologies and long-suppressed demands for justice and equity. The collapse of the Machado regime gave way to a period of relative anarchy. Accumulated anger and frustration erupted in the form of riots, strikes and other public expressions of discontent. The power vacuum created a space where various groups, from socialists to nationalists and other political factions, tried to impose their vision for Cuba's future. Among these groups, the sugar plantation workers play a crucial role. Entangled for years in precarious working conditions and faced with exploitation, they are rising up to take control of the plantations. This was less an organised adoption of socialism or Bolshevism than a spontaneous and desperate response to years of oppression. These workers, many of whom were informed and inspired by socialist and communist ideologies, sought to establish socialist-style collectives. They aim to end capitalist exploitation and create systems where workers control production and share the profits fairly. This revolution within the sugar industry reflects wider tensions in Cuban society and highlights the deep economic and social inequality that persists. As Cuba struggles to rebuild itself after Machado's reign, the country faces fundamental challenges. How can the divergent demands for justice, equity and freedom be reconciled? How to transform an economy and a society long defined by authoritarianism, exploitation and inequality? These questions will define post-Machado Cuba and set the stage for future struggles for the heart and soul of the nation. Against this tumultuous backdrop, the portrait of a country in search of its identity and its future begins to emerge.
| | 古巴历史上的后马查多时期通常被描述为一个混乱、困惑和彻底变革的时期。马查多的离开虽然让许多人松了一口气，但并没有立即解决古巴深刻的政治、经济和社会分歧。恰恰相反，它为各种被抑制的力量、相互冲突的意识形态以及长期被压抑的正义和公平诉求的爆发打开了大门。马查多政权的垮台使国家进入了一个相对无政府的时期。积聚的愤怒和挫折感以骚乱、罢工和其他公开表达不满的形式爆发出来。权力真空创造了一个空间，从社会主义者到民族主义者和其他政治派别的各种团体都试图将他们对古巴未来的愿景强加于人。在这些群体中，蔗糖种植园工人扮演着至关重要的角色。多年来，他们的工作条件岌岌可危，并面临着剥削，因此他们奋起控制了种植园。这与其说是有组织地采用社会主义或布尔什维主义，不如说是对多年压迫的自发和绝望的回应。这些工人（其中许多人受到社会主义和共产主义意识形态的启发和鼓舞）试图建立社会主义式的集体。他们的目标是结束资本主义剥削，建立工人控制生产和公平分享利润的制度。制糖业的这场革命反映了古巴社会更广泛的紧张局势，凸显了长期存在的深刻的经济和社会不平等。在马查多统治古巴之后，古巴正努力进行重建，面临着根本性的挑战。如何协调对正义、公平和自由的不同需求？如何改造长期以来被专制、剥削和不平等所定义的经济和社会？这些问题将决定后马查多时代的古巴，并为未来争夺国家核心和灵魂的斗争奠定基础。在这一动荡的背景下，一个寻找自身身份和未来的国家的形象开始浮现。 |
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| The military unrest led by Sergeant Fulgencio Batista in 1933 was another key element in Cuba's spiralling instability. At a time when the country was already overwhelmed by social and economic conflicts, Batista's intervention injected a new dimension of complexity and violence into the political landscape. The mutiny, which added to the existing social unrest, helped to shape an increasingly unpredictable and tumultuous environment. The rise of Batista was swift and decisive. This relatively unknown sergeant suddenly catapulted himself to the centre of the Cuban political arena. His rise illustrates the fragmented and volatile state of Cuban politics at the time. In a country marked by deep divisions and a lack of stable leadership, bold and opportunistic figures like Batista were able to capitalise on the chaos. Batista skilfully wielded military power and influence to establish his pre-eminence. His coup d'état in 1952 was a manifestation of the deepening Cuban political crisis. It was not an isolated event, but rather the result of years of accumulated tensions, discontent and the absence of stable and reliable political institutions. Under Batista's rule, Cuba entered a new phase in its tumultuous history. Batista's dictatorship was characterised by repression, corruption and close alignment with American interests. Although he succeeded in imposing a measure of stability, it was achieved at the cost of civil liberty and social justice. This chapter in Cuban history highlights the complexity and volatility of political transitions. Batista, once a mutinous sergeant, became the dictator who, in many ways, laid the foundations for the Cuban revolution of 1959.
| | 1933 年，富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔（Fulgencio Batista）中士领导的军事动乱是古巴不稳定局势不断升级的另一个关键因素。当时，古巴已经被社会和经济冲突压得喘不过气来，巴蒂斯塔的干预为政治格局注入了新的复杂性和暴力色彩。兵变加剧了现有的社会动荡，助长了日益难以预测的动荡环境。巴蒂斯塔的崛起迅速而果断。这位名不见经传的中士突然一跃成为古巴政治舞台的中心人物。他的崛起说明了当时古巴政治的四分五裂和动荡不安。在一个分裂严重、缺乏稳定领导层的国家，巴蒂斯塔这样大胆而投机的人物能够利用混乱局面。巴蒂斯塔巧妙地利用军事力量和影响力确立了自己的优势地位。他在 1952 年发动的政变是古巴政治危机不断加深的表现。这不是一个孤立的事件，而是多年积累的紧张局势、不满情绪以及缺乏稳定可靠的政治体制的结果。在巴蒂斯塔的统治下，古巴进入了动荡历史的新阶段。巴蒂斯塔独裁统治的特点是镇压、腐败和与美国利益紧密结合。虽然他成功地实现了一定程度的稳定，但这是以牺牲公民自由和社会正义为代价的。古巴历史的这一篇章凸显了政治过渡的复杂性和不稳定性。巴蒂斯塔曾经是一名叛变的中士，后来成为独裁者，在许多方面为 1959 年的古巴革命奠定了基础。 |
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| The coup initiated by Batista, and bolstered by significant civilian support, marked a period of intense turbulence and change for Cuba. The uprising, although military in origin, was widely embraced by a dissatisfied civilian population. They saw it as an opportunity for far-reaching social and political transformation, reflecting the high level of discontent and aspiration for change. The 100-day government that followed the coup was a period of rapid and often radical change. Guided by the ideology of "returning Cuba to Cuba", this short government sought to dismantle inherited power structures and introduce far-reaching reforms. The public witnessed a determined effort to free Cuba from foreign influence and tackle deep-rooted structural problems. The reforms envisaged were ambitious, focusing on issues such as social inequality, poverty and political repression. This historic moment highlighted the deep thirst for change among the Cuban people, exacerbated by decades of authoritarian rule and economic exploitation. Despite its progressive intentions, the 100-day government was framed by inherent instability. The process of radical transformation faced both internal and external challenges, demonstrating the complexity of political reform in a context of social and political turmoil. This period in Cuban history offers a fascinating insight into the dynamics of revolutionary change. Although brief, the 100-day government posed fundamental questions about sovereignty, justice and democracy that would continue to shape Cuba's destiny in the decades to come. It proved to be a precursor and catalyst for a longer period of revolutionary transformation that culminated in the rise of Fidel Castro and the final overthrow of the Batista regime in 1959.
| | 巴蒂斯塔发动的政变得到了大量平民的支持，标志着古巴进入了一个剧烈动荡和变革的时期。起义虽然起源于军事行动，但却得到了不满的平民的广泛支持。他们将起义视为进行意义深远的社会和政治变革的机会，这反映了民众的强烈不满和对变革的渴望。政变后的百日政府是一个快速且往往是激进变革的时期。在 "让古巴回归古巴 "的思想指导下，这个短暂的政府试图拆除继承下来的权力结构，推行意义深远的改革。公众目睹了古巴为摆脱外国影响、解决根深蒂固的结构性问题所做的坚定努力。所设想的改革雄心勃勃，重点关注社会不平等、贫困和政治压迫等问题。这一历史性时刻凸显了古巴人民对变革的深切渴望，几十年的专制统治和经济剥削加剧了这种渴望。尽管百日政府的初衷是进步的，但其内在的不稳定性却使其备受煎熬。彻底变革的进程面临着内部和外部的双重挑战，显示了在社会和政治动荡背景下政治改革的复杂性。古巴历史上的这一时期让人对革命变革的动态有了深刻的了解。虽然时间短暂，但百日政府提出了有关主权、正义和民主的根本问题，这些问题将在未来几十年继续影响古巴的命运。事实证明，它是更长时期革命变革的先驱和催化剂，最终导致菲德尔-卡斯特罗的崛起和 1959 年巴蒂斯塔政权的最终被推翻。 |
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| Cuba's short-lived revolutionary government found itself under siege from all sides. As it attempted to introduce far-reaching reforms, it came up against stubborn resistance from powerful interest groups. The army, in particular, became a formidable adversary, marking the continuity of its influence and power in Cuban politics. The attempt to radically transform the nation was halted, and a military dictatorship once again took the reins of power. This transition marked a return to authoritarianism, the suppression of political freedoms and the centralisation of power. The revolutionary aspirations of the Cuban people faded in the face of the reality of a regime that seemed determined to maintain the status quo. This prolonged political instability and the violence that accompanied it became endemic features of the era. The Cuban people, having tasted the hope of political and social transformation, found themselves confronted with the harsh reality of inflexible and authoritarian military rule. Dreams of social justice, equality and democracy were put on hold, waiting for another opportunity to materialise. However, the desire for change, though suppressed, was not eradicated. Revolutionary energy and aspiration lay dormant beneath the surface, ready to re-emerge. The structural problems of inequality, repression and injustice continued under the military dictatorship, fuelling an underlying discontent that would eventually erupt decades later. The key lesson of this tumultuous period in Cuban history lies in the persistence of the revolutionary spirit. Though constrained and repressed, the desire for political and social transformation remains alive and powerful, a testament to the resilience and determination of the Cuban people. The political and social saga that unfolded during these years was the premise of a broader historical turning point that would ultimately manifest itself in the Cuban Revolution of 1959 under the leadership of Fidel Castro.
| | 古巴短命的革命政府发现自己受到了来自四面八方的围攻。当它试图推行影响深远的改革时，却遭到了强大利益集团的顽强抵抗。尤其是军队，它成为了一个可怕的对手，标志着军队在古巴政治中的影响力和权力的持续性。彻底改造国家的尝试被迫停止，军事独裁政权再次掌权。这一转变标志着专制、压制政治自由和权力集中的回归。在一个似乎决心维持现状的政权面前，古巴人民的革命愿望逐渐消失。这种长期的政治不稳定以及与之相伴的暴力成为那个时代的普遍特征。古巴人民尝到了政治和社会变革的希望，却发现自己面对的是僵硬和独裁军事统治的严酷现实。社会公正、平等和民主的梦想被搁置，等待着另一个实现的机会。然而，变革的愿望虽然受到压制，却并未被根除。革命的能量和愿望蛰伏在地表之下，随时准备重新崛起。在军事独裁统治下，不平等、镇压和不公正等结构性问题仍在继续，助长了潜在的不满情绪，这种不满情绪最终将在几十年后爆发。古巴历史上这一动荡时期的关键教训在于革命精神的顽强不屈。虽然受到限制和压制，但古巴人民对政治和社会变革的渴望依然鲜活有力，这证明了古巴人民的韧性和决心。这些年发生的政治和社会传奇是更广泛的历史转折点的前提，而这一转折点最终将体现为菲德尔-卡斯特罗领导下的 1959 年古巴革命。 |
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| Cuba's 100-day revolutionary government was marked by an energetic effort to introduce radical social and economic reforms. Their commitment to addressing the country's deep inequalities was demonstrated through measures that, although briefly implemented, had a lasting impact on Cuba's social structure. One of the most notable initiatives was the granting of universal suffrage to women. This emblematic reform marked a decisive stage in the evolution of civil rights in Cuba. For the first time, women were able to participate actively in the political process, in recognition of their equal status in society. This was more than a symbolic step forward; it represented a substantial overhaul of the norms and values that had long dominated Cuban politics. The participation of women in public life promised to enrich democratic discourse and foster a more inclusive and balanced environment. Despite its short existence, the revolutionary government instilled a momentum for change. The inclusion of women in the electoral process was an important milestone, demonstrating the nation's capacity to evolve and transform, even in the face of instability and turmoil. Although the future still held challenges and obstacles, and the spectre of authoritarianism and repression had not been totally eradicated, the legacy of those 100 days of revolutionary government would remain engraved in the collective memory. It was irrefutable proof of the possibility of reform and renewal, a reminder of Cuba's inherent potential to reinvent itself and move towards a more just and equitable society. The right to vote for women, although introduced against a backdrop of political turbulence, symbolises a victory against oppression and inequality. It demonstrates the persistence of the aspiration for social justice through the tumultuous ages of Cuban history. It is a chapter that, though brief, makes an indelible contribution to the nation's rich and complex tapestry.
| | 古巴百日革命政府的特点是大力推行激进的社会和经济改革。这些措施虽然实施时间不长，但对古巴的社会结构产生了持久的影响。其中最引人注目的举措之一是给予妇女普选权。这一具有象征意义的改革标志着古巴公民权利演变的一个决定性阶段。妇女第一次能够积极参与政治进程，她们在社会中的平等地位得到承认。这不仅仅是一个象征性的进步，而是对长期以来主导古巴政治的规范和价值观的重大改革。妇女参与公共生活有望丰富民主话语，营造一个更具包容性和更加平衡的环境。尽管革命政府成立时间不长，但它为变革注入了动力。将妇女纳入选举进程是一个重要的里程碑，表明即使面对不稳定和动荡，古巴也有能力发展和变革。尽管未来仍然充满挑战和障碍，专制和镇压的幽灵尚未完全消除，但革命政府这 100 天的遗产将永远铭刻在人们的集体记忆中。它无可辩驳地证明了改革和复兴的可能性，提醒人们古巴具有重塑自我、迈向更加公正和公平的社会的内在潜力。尽管妇女的选举权是在政治动荡的背景下推出的，但它象征着反对压迫和不平等的胜利。它表明，在古巴历史的动荡年代，人们对社会公正的渴望始终如一。这一章虽然短暂，却为古巴丰富而复杂的历史画卷做出了不可磨灭的贡献。 |
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| Cuba's 100-day revolutionary government not only marked a significant advance in civil rights, but also initiated substantial reforms in crucial sectors such as education and labour. It was a period when the desire for structural change was transformed into concrete action, and long-suppressed aspirations found space to flourish, despite the brevity of this revolutionary era. In the field of education, the autonomy granted to universities was revolutionary. This change not only reaffirmed academic independence, but also stimulated an intellectual and cultural efflorescence. Education became more accessible, less constrained by the shackles of authoritarianism and bureaucracy, and was thus able to evolve into a crucible of innovative ideas and social progress. In addition, the extension of workers' rights, particularly to those who worked in difficult conditions such as sugar cane cutters, symbolised an attempt to rectify deep-rooted injustices. The introduction of the minimum wage, paid holidays and improved working conditions were not mere concessions; they were a recognition of the vital role and dignity of workers in the country's economic and social structure. These reforms, although initiated in a context of intense turbulence, illuminated the possibilities for social and economic transformation. They have served as a testament to the country's ability to overcome its historical challenges and strive to achieve ideals of justice and equity. Every step taken, from empowering educational institutions to guaranteeing workers' rights, reinforced the spirit of renewal. Although the revolutionary government was short-lived, the momentum of these reforms instilled an energy that continued to resonate in the years that followed, a persistent echo of the possibility of progress and transformation in a nation searching for its identity and its path to justice and prosperity.
| | 古巴百日革命政府不仅在公民权利方面取得了重大进展，还在教育和劳工等关键领域启动了实质性改革。在这一时期，尽管革命年代短暂，但结构变革的愿望已转化为具体行动，长期被压抑的愿望找到了蓬勃发展的空间。在教育领域，赋予大学的自主权具有革命性意义。这一变革不仅重申了学术的独立性，而且还促进了知识和文化的繁荣。教育变得更加普及，不再受专制主义和官僚主义的束缚，从而能够发展成为创新思想和社会进步的熔炉。此外，扩大工人的权利，特别是那些在艰苦条件下工作的工人，如甘蔗砍伐者的权利，是纠正根深蒂固的不公正现象的一种尝试。实行最低工资、带薪休假和改善工作条件并不仅仅是让步，而是承认工人在国家经济和社会结构中的重要作用和尊严。这些改革虽然是在剧烈动荡的背景下启动的，但却照亮了社会和经济转型的可能性。它们证明了国家有能力克服历史挑战，努力实现公正和公平的理想。从赋予教育机构权力到保障工人权利，所采取的每一步都强化了复兴精神。虽然革命政府昙花一现，但这些改革的势头所注入的能量在随后的岁月里持续回荡，这是对一个正在寻找自身定位和通往正义与繁荣之路的国家进步和变革可能性的持续回响。 |
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| The agrarian reform initiated by the revolutionary government was a bold attempt to rebalance the distribution of resources in a nation where land disparities were profound. In a Cuba marked by economic inequalities and concentrations of power, this reform symbolised a hope for justice and equity for rural farmers, who were often marginalised and under-represented. The central challenge of agrarian reform was to dismantle inequitable land structures and usher in an era of accessibility and shared ownership. Every hectare redistributed, every parcel of land made accessible to farmers who had previously been excluded, held out the promise of a future where wealth and opportunity were not the preserve of a narrow elite. However, the complexity inherent in implementing such ambitious reforms in an unstable political climate cannot be underestimated. Every step forward has been met with obstacles, every radical change has been resisted by entrenched interests, and political volatility has often compromised the continuity and delivery of the reforms. So, while these reforms have instilled a sense of hope and optimism, they have been short-lived. The years of instability that followed eroded much of the progress made, highlighting the precariousness of reforms in the absence of political and institutional stability. These reforms, while imperfect and temporary, nevertheless left an indelible legacy. They served as a poignant reminder of the nation's potential to aspire to fairness and justice, while highlighting the persistent challenges that stand in the way of achieving these lofty aspirations.
| | 革命政府发起的土地改革是一次大胆的尝试，旨在重新平衡这个土地差距巨大的国家的资源分配。在一个以经济不平等和权力集中为特征的古巴，这一改革象征着农村农民对正义和公平的希望，他们往往被边缘化，代表权不足。土地改革的核心挑战是打破不公平的土地结构，开创一个无障碍和共同拥有的时代。每重新分配一公顷土地，每让以前被排斥在外的农民获得一块土地，都是对未来的承诺，在这样的未来，财富和机会不再是狭隘精英的专利。然而，在不稳定的政治气候下实施如此雄心勃勃的改革，其内在的复杂性不容低估。每向前迈出一步都会遇到障碍，每一次激进的变革都会遭到根深蒂固的利益集团的抵制，而政治上的动荡往往会影响改革的连续性和实施。因此，尽管这些改革给人们带来了希望和乐观，但它们都是短暂的。随后多年的不稳定侵蚀了已取得的大部分进展，凸显了在缺乏政治和体制稳定的情况下改革的不稳定性。这些改革虽然不完美，也是暂时的，但却留下了不可磨灭的遗产。它们有力地提醒人们，国家有潜力追求公平和正义，同时也凸显了在实现这些崇高理想的道路上长期存在的挑战。 |
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| The 100-day revolutionary government was in a delicate situation. Its reforms were a necessary effort to tackle the systemic inequalities that plagued Cuban society. However, by introducing changes considered radical by one section of the population and insufficient by another, it found itself trapped between conflicting expectations and political pressure. Right-wing and extreme right-wing groups saw these reforms as a threat to their established interests. Land reform, universal suffrage for women and improved working conditions were seen as direct challenges to the consolidated power structure and wealth. For them, each progressive change symbolised a withdrawal of their grip on economic and social power, provoking fierce resistance. For the Marxist left, on the other hand, reforms were an insufficient response to deep-rooted inequality and social injustice. Poverty, inequality and political repression demanded bold and substantial measures. The Left called for a more profound transformation of the economic and political system - an overhaul that would go beyond the reforms introduced, tackling the very roots of social and economic disparities.
| | 百日革命政府处境微妙。它的改革是解决困扰古巴社会的系统性不平等问题的必要努力。然而，由于推行的改革被一部分人认为是激进的，而另一部分人则认为是不充分的，政府发现自己陷入了相互矛盾的期望和政治压力之中。右翼和极右翼团体将这些改革视为对其既有利益的威胁。土地改革、妇女普选和改善工作条件被视为对巩固的权力结构和财富的直接挑战。对他们来说，每一次进步的变革都象征着他们对经济和社会权力控制的削弱，从而激起了激烈的反抗。另一方面，对于马克思主义左派来说，改革不足以应对根深蒂固的不平等和社会不公。贫困、不平等和政治压迫要求采取大胆而实质性的措施。左派呼吁对经济和政治体制进行更深刻的变革--一场超越改革的大变革，从根本上解决社会和经济差距问题。 |
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| External opposition from the US government exacerbated the already tense situation in Cuba. The United States, as a major world power and Cuba's immediate neighbour, had considerable economic and strategic interests in the country and the region. The reforms initiated by the Cuban revolutionary government, although intended to remedy internal inequalities and promote social justice, were viewed with suspicion in Washington. Under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the United States was committed to the policy of "good neighbourliness", which advocated respect for the sovereignty of Latin American nations. In practice, however, Washington was often inclined to intervene in the affairs of the region's nations to protect its economic and political interests. Fears of a rise in left-wing and socialist ideologies, and their implementation through substantial reforms, were viewed with deep suspicion. As a result, the Cuban revolutionary government found itself in a precarious position. At home, it was besieged by opposition from various sectors of society. Abroad, it faced opposition and mistrust from the United States, a power that had the power to influence events in Cuba considerably. The fall of the revolutionary government and the return to military dictatorship can be understood in the context of these combined pressures. The ambitious reforms failed to win sufficient support, both nationally and internationally, to ensure their implementation and sustainability. Cuba then found itself in another period of authoritarianism, illustrating the complexity and volatility of the political landscape at the time and the difficulty of achieving progressive change in an environment of conflicting interests and geopolitical pressures.
| | 美国政府的外部反对加剧了古巴本已紧张的局势。作为世界大国和古巴的近邻，美国在古巴和该地区拥有巨大的经济和战略利益。古巴革命政府发起的改革虽然旨在纠正国内不平等和促进社会公正，但在华盛顿却遭到怀疑。在富兰克林-D-罗斯福总统的领导下，美国致力于 "睦邻友好 "政策，主张尊重拉美国家的主权。但在实践中，华盛顿往往倾向于干预该地区国家的事务，以保护其经济和政治利益。人们对左翼和社会主义意识形态的兴起及其通过实质性改革的实施深表怀疑。因此，古巴革命政府的处境岌岌可危。在国内，它遭到社会各界的反对。在国外，它面临着美国的反对和不信任，而美国有能力对古巴的事态发展产生重大影响。革命政府的垮台和军事独裁的恢复可以在这些综合压力的背景下得到理解。雄心勃勃的改革未能在国内和国际上赢得足够的支持，以确保其实施和可持续性。古巴随后又陷入了另一个独裁时期，这说明当时的政治格局复杂多变，在利益冲突和地缘政治压力的环境中实现渐进式变革十分困难。 |
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| The United States played an influential, if less direct, role in Cuban political events at the time. Its intervention was not military, but took the form of diplomacy and political manipulation that facilitated Fulgencio Batista's rise to power. Fulgencio Batista, an army officer who had been involved in the overthrow of Gerardo Machado, was a political ally favourable to the United States. The United States, concerned about its economic and political interests in Cuba, saw Batista as a potential ally who could stabilise the country's political situation and protect its interests. Batista came to power against a backdrop of civil unrest and political transformation, and established an authoritarian regime that repressed opposition and consolidated power. The United States supported Batista, even though he was a dictator, because it saw him as a bulwark against instability and communism. This highlights the complexities of US relations with Latin America, where geopolitical and economic concerns have often taken precedence over democratic principles and human rights. American support for Batista had long-lasting implications, ultimately leading to the Cuban revolution of 1959 led by Fidel Castro, and to a marked deterioration in relations between Cuba and the United States in the decades that followed.
| | 美国在当时的古巴政治事件中发挥了有影响力的作用，尽管这种作用并不那么直接。美国的干预不是军事干预，而是采取外交和政治操纵的形式，促进了富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔的上台。曾参与推翻赫拉尔多-马查多的军官富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔是美国的政治盟友。美国担心其在古巴的经济和政治利益，将巴蒂斯塔视为能够稳定古巴政局、保护美国利益的潜在盟友。巴蒂斯塔是在内乱和政治变革的背景下上台的，他建立了一个专制政权，镇压反对派，巩固政权。尽管巴蒂斯塔是个独裁者，但美国仍然支持他，因为美国认为他是防止动荡和共产主义的堡垒。这凸显了美国与拉美关系的复杂性，在拉美，地缘政治和经济关切往往优先于民主原则和人权。美国对巴蒂斯塔的支持产生了长期影响，最终导致了菲德尔-卡斯特罗领导的1959年古巴革命，并在随后的几十年里导致古巴与美国的关系明显恶化。 |
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| Batista's reign was characterised by political repression, censorship and corruption. US support was crucial in keeping Batista in power, due to US economic and strategic interests in Cuba. However, his authoritarian rule and endemic corruption fuelled widespread discontent among the Cuban people. It was against this backdrop of discontent that Fidel Castro and his revolutionary movement gained popularity. Castro, along with other notable revolutionary figures such as Che Guevara, orchestrated a well-organised guerrilla war against the Batista regime. After several years of struggle, the revolutionaries succeeded in overthrowing Batista on 1 January 1959. Castro's victory marked the beginning of a radical transformation of Cuban society. Major economic and social reforms, including the nationalisation of companies and land reform, were put in place. However, these changes led to a definitive break with the United States, which imposed a trade embargo on Cuba in response to the nationalisation of American property. Under Castro's leadership, Cuba aligned itself with the Soviet Union, marking a significant departure from its previous alignment with the United States. This geopolitical reality contributed to the tension of the Cold War, particularly during the Cuban missile crisis in 1962. So the Cuban revolution was not only significant for Cuba, it had major international repercussions, changing the geopolitical dynamics of the Cold War and influencing US policy in Latin America for years to come.
| | 巴蒂斯塔统治时期的特点是政治压迫、新闻检查和腐败。由于美国在古巴的经济和战略利益，美国的支持是巴蒂斯塔继续执政的关键。然而，他的独裁统治和普遍腐败激起了古巴人民的普遍不满。正是在这种不满情绪的背景下，菲德尔-卡斯特罗和他的革命运动获得了民众的支持。卡斯特罗与切-格瓦拉等其他著名革命人物一起，精心组织了一场反对巴蒂斯塔政权的游击战争。经过几年的斗争，革命者于 1959 年 1 月 1 日成功推翻了巴蒂斯塔。卡斯特罗的胜利标志着古巴社会彻底转型的开始。包括公司国有化和土地改革在内的重大经济和社会改革得以实施。然而，这些变革导致了与美国的彻底决裂，美国针对美国财产国有化对古巴实施了贸易禁运。在卡斯特罗的领导下，古巴与苏联结盟，这标志着古巴与以往与美国结盟的重大转变。这一地缘政治现实加剧了冷战的紧张局势，尤其是在 1962 年古巴导弹危机期间。因此，古巴革命不仅对古巴意义重大，还产生了重大的国际影响，改变了冷战的地缘政治态势，并在未来数年影响了美国在拉丁美洲的政策。 |
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| = The case of Brazil: military coup and fascist regime = | | = 巴西：军事政变和法西斯政权 = |
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| Brazil's recent political history has been marked by alternations between authoritarian regimes and democratic periods. A look at the chronology of events gives a clear picture of these transitions and their impact on the country.
| | 巴西近代政治史的特点是专制政权和民主时期的交替。从事件发生的时间顺序可以清楚地看出这些过渡及其对国家的影响。 |
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| The Estado Novo period began in 1937 when Getúlio Vargas, who had already been in power since the 1930 revolution, established an authoritarian regime. This regime was characterised by the centralisation of power, severe repression of opponents and the introduction of censorship. Paradoxically, Vargas also managed to implement substantial reforms that helped modernise the economy and improve conditions for Brazilian workers. The end of the Estado Novo in 1945 paved the way for a democratic era in Brazil. Several presidents were elected during this period, including Vargas himself, who returned to power in 1951 in a democratic election. His term of office ended tragically with his suicide in 1954, marking another tumultuous chapter in the country's political history.
| | 新国家时期始于 1937 年，当时自 1930 年革命以来一直掌权的热图利奥-瓦加斯（Getúlio Vargas）建立了独裁政权。该政权的特点是权力集中、严厉镇压反对者和实行新闻检查。矛盾的是，瓦加斯也设法实施了实质性改革，帮助实现了经济现代化，改善了巴西工人的生活条件。1945 年新国家的结束为巴西的民主时代铺平了道路。在此期间，巴西选出了几位总统，包括瓦加斯本人，他在 1951 年的民主选举中重新掌权。他的任期以 1954 年自杀的悲剧收场，标志着巴西政治史上又一个动荡的篇章。 |
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| Brazilian democracy suffered a brutal blow in 1964 when a military coup ousted President João Goulart from power. What followed was a two-decade military dictatorship characterised by political repression, censorship and flagrant human rights abuses. Despite the oppressive climate, this period also saw a rapid economic boom, albeit accompanied by rising debt and inequality. The country returned to democracy in 1985, marking the end of the military dictatorship. Brazil adopted a new constitution in 1988, laying the foundations for a renewed and more inclusive democracy. However, the country continues to face persistent challenges such as corruption, social and economic inequality and other structural problems.
| | 1964 年，一场军事政变将若昂-古拉特总统赶下了台，巴西民主遭受了沉重打击。随后是长达二十年的军事独裁统治，其特点是政治压迫、新闻检查和公然侵犯人权。尽管存在压迫气氛，但这一时期的经济也迅速繁荣起来，只是伴随着债务和不平等的加剧。1985 年，巴西恢复民主，标志着军事独裁统治的结束。1988 年，巴西通过了新宪法，为更新和更具包容性的民主奠定了基础。然而，巴西仍然面临着持续的挑战，如腐败、社会和经济不平等以及其他结构性问题。 |
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| Brazil's political evolution over the 20th century is a tale of sharp contrasts, mixing authoritarianism and democracy, progress and repression. Each period has left an indelible mark on the social, political and economic fabric of the country, contributing to the complexity and richness of Brazilian history.
| | 巴西 20 世纪的政治演变是一个充满鲜明对比的故事，既有专制也有民主，既有进步也有压迫。每个时期都在巴西的社会、政治和经济结构上留下了不可磨灭的印记，造就了巴西历史的复杂性和丰富性。 |
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| == Economic context == | | == 经济背景 == |
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| The Brazilian economy is both robust and diversified, characterised by a thriving agricultural sector, particularly coffee production, and expanding industrial and service sectors. Coffee plantations, mainly controlled by an elite of landowners, have long been the mainstay of Brazilian exports. However, the concentration of wealth and power has left agricultural workers, including immigrants and internal migrants, in a precarious situation. Despite these inequalities, Brazil has gradually diversified its economy. Industrialisation and the development of the service sector have positioned the country as a key emerging economy, while resource extraction, particularly oil, has consolidated its stature on the world stage. However, inequalities persist, rooted in the unbalanced distribution of wealth and resources. A large part of the population remains on the margins, especially coffee workers, who are often denied access to education, health and other essential services. The challenge for Brazil is to transform these structural inequalities into a more balanced and inclusive economy. Reforms in agriculture, education and the redistribution of wealth are crucial to changing this.
| | 巴西的经济既强劲又多样化，其特点是农业部门（尤其是咖啡生产）蓬勃发展，工业和服务业也在不断扩大。咖啡种植园主要由地主精英控制，长期以来一直是巴西的主要出口产品。然而，财富和权力的集中使得包括移民和国内移民在内的农业工人的处境岌岌可危。尽管存在这些不平等现象，巴西还是逐步实现了经济多元化。工业化和服务业的发展使巴西成为重要的新兴经济体，而资源开采，尤其是石油开采，巩固了巴西在世界舞台上的地位。然而，由于财富和资源分配不均，不平等现象依然存在。大部分人口仍处于社会边缘，尤其是咖啡工人，他们往往无法获得教育、医疗和其他基本服务。巴西面临的挑战是如何将这些结构性不平等转化为更加平衡、更具包容性的经济。农业、教育和财富再分配方面的改革对于改变这种状况至关重要。 |
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| In 1930, Brazil was in the grip of the First Republic, a government which, despite its stated aspiration for order and progress, was mired in political instability and economic distress. The republican ideals that had once inspired optimism were now eclipsed by the reality of a nation in crisis, struggling to maintain cohesion and prosperity. The electoral system, to which only a small fraction of the population had access, was a particular source of tension. The exclusion of the majority of the population from the decision-making process fuelled a deep sense of discontent and exclusion. Each election was a stinging reminder of the inequalities and divisions that characterised Brazilian society at the time. Against this backdrop, the presidential crisis of 1930 was not just a political confrontation, but also a manifestation of growing frustration and disillusionment. The disputed election results crystallised collective bitterness, transforming a political quarrel into a decisive turning point for the nation. It was in this electric atmosphere that the military coup of 1930 took root, sweeping away the First Republic and ushering in the era of the Estado Novo. A regime which, under the cloak of fascism, promised order but hindered freedom, evoked progress but imposed repression. A living paradox, the reflection of a
| | 1930 年，巴西正处于第一共和国的统治之下，尽管政府宣称渴望秩序和进步，但却深陷政治动荡和经济困境。共和理想曾一度激起人们的乐观情绪，但如今却被国家陷入危机、竭力维持凝聚力和繁荣的现实所掩盖。只有一小部分人能够参与的选举制度是紧张局势的一个特殊根源。大多数人被排除在决策过程之外，这加剧了人们深深的不满和排斥感。每一次选举都是对巴西社会不平等和分裂的刺痛。在此背景下，1930 年的总统危机不仅是一场政治对抗，也是日益增长的挫折感和幻灭感的体现。有争议的选举结果使集体的怨恨具体化，将一场政治争吵转化为国家的决定性转折点。1930 年的军事政变正是在这样的气氛中发生的，它摧毁了第一共和国，开创了新国家的时代。这个政权披着法西斯主义的外衣，许诺秩序却阻碍自由，唤起进步却实施镇压。这是一个活生生的悖论，反映了 |
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| Three of Brazil's 17 states refused to accept the results of the presidential election, leading to uprisings and unrest. In response, the military staged a coup and overthrew the civilian government, handing power to Getúlio Vargas, a cattle farmer and governor of the state of Rio Grande do Sul. This event marked the beginning of the Estado Novo regime and an era of authoritarian rule in Brazil. By 1930, Brazil's political fabric was torn by deep tensions. The discord was catalysed by controversial presidential elections, the results of which were rejected by three of the country's seventeen states. This rebellion against central authority was not simply a political quarrel; it reflected deep-seated mistrust and fractures within Brazilian society. The dissident states were in turmoil, their refusal to accept the election results having turned into palpable uprisings. The streets were the scene of popular frustration, and tension was mounting, threatening to erupt into open conflict. It was against this stormy backdrop that the military, presenting themselves as the guardians of order and stability, orchestrated a coup d'état. They dismantled the civilian government, echoing the frustrations and demands of a population that felt betrayed by its leaders. Getúlio Vargas, then governor of the state of Rio Grande do Sul and a cattle farmer by profession, was installed in power. His ascension marked the tumultuous end of the First Republic and the sinister beginning of the Estado Novo. Vargas was a complex figure, embodying both the population's aspirations for change and the oppressive characteristics of the authoritarian regime that was taking hold. The Estado Novo, with Vargas at its head, carried within it a contradiction - promising the restoration of order while repressing freedom, proposing to embody progress while muzzling dissent. Brazil had entered a new era, where power was centralised and authority unchallenged. A country torn between its tumultuous past and an uncertain future, guided by a leader who embodied the nation's deepest tensions.
| | 巴西 17 个州中有三个拒绝接受总统选举结果，导致了起义和骚乱。作为回应，军方发动政变，推翻了文职政府，将权力交给了南里奥格兰德州州长、养牛场主热图利奥-瓦尔加斯（Getúlio Vargas）。这一事件标志着新国家政权和巴西独裁统治时代的开始。到 1930 年，巴西的政治结构被深刻的紧张关系所撕裂。有争议的总统选举催化了这种不和谐，全国十七个州中有三个州拒绝接受选举结果。这场对中央政权的反抗不仅仅是一场政治争吵，它还反映了巴西社会内部根深蒂固的不信任和裂痕。持不同政见的各州陷入动荡，他们拒绝接受选举结果的行为演变成了明显的起义。街头巷尾充斥着民众的不满情绪，紧张局势日益加剧，随时可能爆发公开冲突。正是在这种风雨飘摇的背景下，军方以秩序和稳定的捍卫者自居，策划了一场政变。他们解散了文职政府，回应了感到被领导人背叛的民众的不满和要求。时任南里奥格兰德州州长、以养牛为生的热图利奥-巴尔加斯（Getúlio Vargas）上台执政。他的上台标志着动荡的第一共和国的结束和罪恶的新国家的开始。瓦加斯是一个复杂的人物，他既体现了民众对变革的渴望，也体现了当时独裁政权的压迫特征。以瓦加斯为首的 "新国家 "内部存在着矛盾--既承诺恢复秩序，又压制自由；既主张体现进步，又压制异见。巴西进入了一个权力集中、权威不受挑战的新时代。这个国家在动荡的过去和不确定的未来之间徘徊，其领导人体现了这个国家最深刻的矛盾。 |
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| == Political landscape == | | == 政治格局 == |
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| Brazil, with its rich geographical and cultural diversity, has always been the scene of constantly changing political dynamics, influenced by shifts in regional economic power. In the early post-colonial days, the sugar economy predominated, and the north-east of Brazil, as the heart of this industry, was the seat of power. The sugar barons, endowed with wealth and influence, shaped national policies according to their interests. However, like all evolving nations, Brazil did not remain fixed in this configuration. The economic topography evolved, influencing and being influenced by patterns of migration, investment and technological innovation. As the century progressed, a new economic powerhouse emerged in the south - centred around Rio de Janeiro. Coffee and livestock became the mainstays of the south's rise to power. The region became a crossroads of economic opportunity, attracting investment, talent and, inevitably, political power. It was no longer the north-east, but the south that dictated the tone of national politics. In this shifting mosaic of economic and political power, figures like Getúlio Vargas emerged. Vargas was the product and reflection of this transition - a man whose rise to power was as much down to his own political skill as to the shifting winds of the Brazilian economy. The political stability of the South, anchored in its economic rise, also marked a change in the political texture of Brazil. The struggles and conflicts that had marked the nation's early days subsided, replaced by a more consolidated and centralised form of governance.
| | 巴西拥有丰富的地理和文化多样性，受地区经济实力变化的影响，政治动态一直在不断变化。在后殖民时代早期，蔗糖经济占主导地位，而巴西东北部作为这一产业的中心，是权力的所在地。蔗糖大亨们拥有财富和影响力，他们根据自己的利益制定国家政策。然而，与所有不断发展的国家一样，巴西并没有固守这种格局。经济地形不断演变，影响着移民、投资和技术创新的模式，同时也被这些模式所影响。随着世纪的发展，以里约热内卢为中心的南部出现了一个新的经济强国。咖啡和畜牧业成为南部崛起的支柱产业。该地区成为经济机遇的十字路口，吸引了投资、人才，也不可避免地吸引了政治力量。主导国家政治基调的不再是东北部，而是南部。在经济和政治权力不断变化的背景下，出现了像热图利奥-瓦加斯这样的人物。瓦加斯是这一转变的产物和反映--他的崛起既得益于他自身的政治技巧，也得益于巴西经济的风云变幻。以经济崛起为基础的南方政治稳定也标志着巴西政治结构的变化。巴西建国初期的斗争和冲突逐渐平息，取而代之的是一种更加巩固和集中的治理形式。 |
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| Once Getúlio Vargas was installed as President, he wasted no time in deploying an authoritarian regime of notable strength. The rise to power marked by the military coup quickly turned into an administration that tolerated little opposition. Left-wing groups, particularly socialists and communists, were Vargas' first targets. He eradicated their activities, putting an abrupt end to any challenge or criticism from this faction.
| | 热图利奥-巴尔加斯（Getúlio Vargas）就任总统后，毫不迟疑地建立了一个实力雄厚的独裁政权。以军事政变为标志的权力崛起很快变成了一个几乎不容许反对的政府。左翼团体，尤其是社会主义者和共产主义者，是瓦加斯的首要目标。他铲除了他们的活动，突然终止了来自这一派别的任何挑战或批评。 |
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| Vargas's government was characterised by a firm grip, where censorship and the suppression of opposition were commonplace. However, it was not only the Left that was in his sights. The fascist right, or the Integralists, secretly funded by Mussolini's Italy, soon felt the heat of Vargas's repression. He was determined to consolidate his power and eliminate any potential threat to his regime. Brazil, under Vargas, experienced an era of authoritarianism, where the voice of opposition was stifled and freedom of expression severely curtailed. His regime was not only characterised by its authoritarian nature, but also by the way in which he systematically annihilated his political enemies, thereby guaranteeing his unchallenged grip on the country. This political repression and consolidation of power was not unlike the totalitarian tendencies seen elsewhere in the world at the same time. With an iron fist, Vargas transformed Brazil's political structure, leaving an indelible mark on the country's political landscape.
| | 瓦加斯政府的特点是严密控制，审查和镇压反对派是家常便饭。然而，在他的视线中不仅有左派。由墨索里尼的意大利秘密资助的法西斯右派（即综合派）很快就感受到了巴尔加斯镇压的热度。他决心巩固自己的权力，消除对其政权的任何潜在威胁。瓦加斯统治下的巴西经历了一个专制时代，反对派的声音被扼杀，言论自由受到严重限制。瓦加斯政权的特点不仅在于其独裁性质，还在于他系统性地消灭政治敌人，从而确保其对国家的控制不受挑战。这种政治压迫和权力巩固与同时代世界其他地方的极权主义倾向并无二致。瓦加斯用铁腕改变了巴西的政治结构，在巴西的政治版图上留下了不可磨灭的印记。 |
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| The establishment of the Estado Novo by Getúlio Vargas in 1937 marked a dark turning point in Brazilian political history. Inspired by the authoritarian regimes of Mussolini in Italy and Salazar in Portugal, Vargas set about reshaping Brazil according to a highly centralised and authoritarian vision. Democracy, already fragile and contested, was swept away, giving way to a state that exercised absolute control over the nation. Political parties, once the diverse and sometimes tumultuous voice of democracy, were banned. Freedom of expression and civil rights, essential foundations of any free society, were severely curtailed. Estado Novo embodied a corporatist state where every aspect of life, from the economy to culture, was subject to strict state regulation and control. Vargas built his regime on the back of the army. The military, with its rigid hierarchy and strict discipline, was a natural ally for a leader whose vision of power was so absolute. Under the Novo State, Brazil was a nation where the government dictated not only policy, but also the daily lives of its citizens. Repression, censorship and surveillance were omnipresent. Dissenting voices were quickly silenced and any opposition was forcefully suppressed. This oppressive atmosphere lasted until 1945. By then, widespread discontent and increased opposition had arisen, fuelled by years of repression and a deep desire for freedom and democracy. The fall of the Estado Novo was not just the end of an authoritarian regime. It also represented an awakening for a nation suffocated by tyranny and control. As Brazil moved towards the restoration of democracy, it would have to embark on a painful process of reconciliation and reconstruction, in which the scars left by years of authoritarianism would have to be healed and the nation would have to find its voice once again.
| | 1937 年，热图利奥-瓦加斯建立了新国家，标志着巴西政治史上一个黑暗的转折点。受到意大利墨索里尼和葡萄牙萨拉查专制政权的启发，瓦加斯开始按照高度集权和专制的理念重塑巴西。本已脆弱不堪、饱受争议的民主被一扫而空，让位于对国家的绝对控制。政党曾是民主多样化的代言人，有时也是动荡不安的代言人，但现在却被取缔了。言论自由和公民权利是任何自由社会的重要基础，却遭到了严厉限制。新国家报》体现了一种公司主义国家，从经济到文化，生活的方方面面都受到国家的严格监管和控制。瓦加斯以军队为后盾建立政权。军队有着严格的等级制度和严明的纪律，是一个权力观如此绝对的领导人的天然盟友。在新国家的统治下，巴西不仅是一个由政府主导政策的国家，也是一个由政府主导公民日常生活的国家。镇压、审查和监视无处不在。不同的声音很快就被压制，任何反对意见都被强力镇压。这种压抑的气氛一直持续到 1945 年。当时，多年的镇压以及对自由和民主的强烈渴望激起了广泛的不满情绪，反对派越来越多。新国家的垮台不仅仅是专制政权的终结。它还代表了一个被暴政和控制窒息的国家的觉醒。在巴西走向恢复民主的过程中，它将不得不开始一个痛苦的和解与重建过程，在这一过程中，多年专制主义留下的伤疤将不得不愈合，国家将不得不再次找到自己的声音。 |
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| The Estado Novo dictatorship in Brazil, established by Getúlio Vargas in the 1930s, is one of the darkest chapters in Brazilian political history. Authoritarianism and pervasive state control were the defining characteristics of this era, in stark contrast to the dynamic and diverse nature of Brazilian society. An ardent nationalism permeated the rhetoric and politics of the regime, seeking to forge a unified national identity. Yet it was a narrowly defined nationalism, shaped by the regime's authoritarian vision, far removed from the pluralistic and inclusive ideals that characterise a healthy democracy. The army was revered and elevated to the status of guardian of the nation. In the shadows of barracks and military parades, the army became a pillar of the regime, enforcing its will and repressing any dissent. The economy was not immune to state control. Government control penetrated every sector, every business. Trade unions, once the voice of the workers, were muzzled, transformed into instruments of the state. Private companies operated under the watchful eye of the government, their independence and initiative hampered by rigid regulation and tight control. Censorship and repression were the tools of choice to muzzle any opposition. The press, artists, intellectuals - any dissenting voice was either silenced or stifled by relentless censorship. Prisons filled up with those who dared to speak out, and fear permeated every corner of society. The Estado Novo was not just a political regime; it was an attack on freedom, individuality and diversity. It was a world where the state did not just govern; it invaded every aspect of life, every thought, every dream. In the years of the Estado Novo, Brazil was not a free nation, but a nation enslaved by its own government, waiting for the moment of its liberation.
| | 20 世纪 30 年代由热图利奥-瓦加斯建立的巴西新国家独裁政权是巴西政治史上最黑暗的篇章之一。专制主义和无处不在的国家控制是这个时代的显著特征，与巴西社会的活力和多样性形成了鲜明对比。热切的民族主义弥漫在政权的言论和政治中，试图塑造统一的民族身份。然而，这是一种狭义的民族主义，由政权的独裁理念所塑造，与健康民主所特有的多元化和包容性理想相去甚远。军队备受尊崇，被提升至国家守护者的地位。在军营和阅兵式的阴影下，军队成为政权的支柱，强制推行其意志并镇压任何异议。经济也未能幸免于国家控制。政府的控制渗透到每个部门、每家企业。工会曾经是工人的代言人，如今却被封杀，变成了国家的工具。私营公司在政府的监视下运营，其独立性和主动性受到严格监管和严密控制的阻碍。审查和镇压是封杀任何反对派的首选工具。新闻界、艺术家、知识分子--任何不同的声音要么被压制，要么被无情的审查所扼杀。监狱里挤满了敢于直言的人，恐惧弥漫在社会的每个角落。新国家不仅是一个政治体制，更是对自由、个性和多样性的攻击。在这个世界上，国家不仅仅是统治者，它还侵入了生活的方方面面、每一种思想、每一个梦想。在新国家体制时期，巴西不是一个自由的国家，而是一个被自己的政府奴役的国家，等待着解放的那一刻。 |
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| In the 1930s, Brazil was mired in a deep political and economic crisis, exacerbated by the global instability of the Great Depression. In 1930, Getúlio Vargas seized power in a military coup, ending the country's First Republic. Vargas, who hailed from the south of the country and represented growing agrarian interests, brought about a dynamic change in Brazil's political landscape. In 1937, Vargas established the Estado Novo, an authoritarian regime inspired by the European fascist governments of the time. This regime abolished political parties, introduced censorship and exercised strict control over the country. Vargas used the army to reinforce his rule and eliminate his opponents, while promoting a strong sense of nationalism. State intervention in the economy became more profound under Estado Novo. The state played a central role in regulating industry and agriculture. Despite political repression, Vargas also introduced social and economic reforms aimed at modernising the country and improving living conditions for the working classes. The Novo State came to an end in 1945 under domestic and international pressure for democratisation, particularly after the Second World War, when Brazil found itself on the side of the Allies. Vargas was forced to resign and the country began a transition to democracy. However, Vargas returned to power in 1951, this time by democratic means. His second term was marked by intense political tensions and, faced with insurmountable opposition, he committed suicide in 1954. The Vargas era, including the Estado Novo and his second term, had a profound impact on Brazil. Despite his authoritarianism, the reforms he initiated helped to modernise the country. Brazil subsequently experienced periods of political instability, alternating between democracy and authoritarian regimes, before stabilising as a democracy in the last decades of the 20th century.<gallery mode="packed" widths="200" heights="200">
| | 20 世纪 30 年代，巴西深陷政治和经济危机，大萧条带来的全球动荡更是雪上加霜。1930 年，热图利奥-瓦加斯通过军事政变夺取了政权，结束了巴西的第一共和国。瓦加斯来自巴西南部，代表着日益增长的农业利益，他给巴西的政治格局带来了巨大变化。1937 年，瓦加斯建立了新国家，这是一个受当时欧洲法西斯政府启发的专制政权。该政权废除了政党，实行新闻检查制度，并对全国实行严格控制。瓦加斯利用军队加强统治，铲除对手，同时宣扬强烈的民族主义。在新国家体制下，国家对经济的干预更加深入。国家在管理工业和农业方面发挥了核心作用。尽管受到政治压迫，瓦加斯仍推行了社会和经济改革，旨在实现国家现代化，改善工人阶级的生活条件。1945 年，在国内和国际要求民主化的压力下，特别是在第二次世界大战之后，巴西站在了协约国一边，"新国家 "宣告结束。瓦加斯被迫辞职，巴西开始向民主过渡。然而，瓦加斯于 1951 年重新掌权，这次是通过民主手段。他的第二个任期充满了紧张的政治局势，面对难以克服的反对派，他于 1954 年自杀身亡。瓦加斯时代，包括新国家和他的第二个任期，对巴西产生了深远的影响。尽管他独断专行，但他发起的改革却帮助巴西实现了现代化。巴西随后经历了政治不稳定时期，在民主和独裁政权之间交替，直到 20 世纪最后几十年才稳定为民主国家。<gallery mode="packed" widths="200" heights="200"> |
| Fichier:IntegralismoCartaz1937.jpg|Integralist propaganda poster - 1937. | | Fichier:IntegralismoCartaz1937.jpg|整体主义宣传海报--1937 年。 |
| Fichier:SaudacaoIntegralista1935.jpg|An integralist greeting, "Anauê", of indigenous origin meaning "You are my brother" and an ancient indigenous war cry. | | Fichier:SaudacaoIntegralista1935.jpg|整体主义问候语 "Anauê "源自土著语，意为 "你是我的兄弟"，是一种古老的土著战争呐喊。 |
| Fichier:Propaganda do Estado Novo (Brasil).jpg|The propaganda of the New State. | | Fichier:Propaganda do Estado Novo (Brasil).jpg|新国家的宣传。 |
| Fichier:Estado Novo1 - 1935.jpg | | Fichier:Estado Novo1 - 1935.jpg |
| Fichier:Estado Novo2 - 1935.jpg | | Fichier:Estado Novo2 - 1935.jpg |
| Fichier:Adhemar de Barros e Edda Ciano Mussolini - 1939.jpg|Edda Mussolini, daughter of Benito Mussolini, was received by Ademar de Barros during his visit to São Paulo in 1939. The Estado Novo was sympathetic to Nazi fascism. | | Fichier:Adhemar de Barros e Edda Ciano Mussolini - 1939.jpg|1939 年，贝尼托-墨索里尼的女儿埃达-墨索里尼（Edda Mussolini）在阿德马尔-德-巴罗斯（Ademar de Barros）访问圣保罗期间受到他的接见。新国家党同情纳粹法西斯主义。 |
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| = Understanding Coups d'Etat and Populism in Latin America = | | = 了解拉丁美洲的政变和民粹主义 = |
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| The outbreak of the global financial crisis in 1929 was an economic shock that devastated companies and the economy as a whole. American companies, which were heavily invested and operated internationally, were not spared. The effects of the crisis were particularly felt in Latin America, a region where US companies had substantial interests. With the collapse of the stock market and the credit crunch, many companies faced reduced liquidity and lower demand for their products and services. This was exacerbated by the rapid fall in commodity prices, a key component of the economies of many Latin American countries. Foreign investment, particularly from the US, has dried up as US companies and banks struggle to survive. For US companies operating in Latin America, this meant reduced revenues, lower profit margins and, in many cases, unprofitable operations. Capital was difficult to obtain, and without adequate financing, many were unable to maintain normal operations. As a result, many companies downsized, suspended operations or went bankrupt. This period also marked a significant decline in economic relations between the United States and Latin America. Protectionist policies adopted by nations to protect their domestic economies exacerbated the situation, reducing international trade and investment. However, despite the severity of the crisis, it has also served as a catalyst for significant economic and regulatory change. Governments around the world, including those in Latin America, adopted new policies to regulate economic activity, stabilise financial markets and promote economic recovery.
| | 1929 年爆发的全球金融危机是一次经济冲击，对公司和整个经济造成了严重破坏。在国际上大量投资和经营的美国公司也未能幸免。危机对拉丁美洲的影响尤为明显，因为美国公司在该地区拥有大量利益。随着股市崩溃和信贷紧缩，许多公司面临着流动资金减少、产品和服务需求下降的问题。而作为许多拉美国家经济重要组成部分的大宗商品价格的迅速下跌则加剧了这种情况。由于美国公司和银行为生存而挣扎，外国投资，特别是来自美国的投资已经枯竭。对于在拉美经营的美国公司来说，这意味着收入减少、利润率降低，在许多情况下，业务无利可图。资金难以获得，没有足够的融资，许多公司无法维持正常运营。因此，许多公司缩小规模、暂停运营或破产。这一时期也标志着美国与拉丁美洲之间经济关系的显著衰退。各国为保护本国经济而采取的保护主义政策加剧了这一局面，减少了国际贸易和投资。然而，尽管危机十分严重，但它也成为了重大经济和监管变革的催化剂。包括拉丁美洲国家在内的世界各国政府都采取了新的政策来规范经济活动、稳定金融市场和促进经济复苏。 |
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| The crisis of 1929 highlighted the vulnerabilities and flaws inherent in the economic liberalism of the time. This model, predominant in the years leading up to the Great Depression, promoted a minimal role for the state in the economy, leaving the market free to evolve without significant government interference. This system of economic liberalism tended to favour landowners, industrialists and the financial sector, encouraging the accumulation of wealth and power in the hands of these elites. Mechanisms of regulation and control were weak or non-existent, allowing these groups to prosper often at the expense of the working classes. Workers, on the other hand, were in a precarious position. They faced low wages, poor working conditions and had little or no social security or legal protections. Their rights and freedoms were often neglected, and economic and social inequalities increased. The Great Depression amplified these problems. As markets collapsed, unemployment soared and businesses failed, the structural weaknesses of economic liberalism became undeniable. The state, traditionally a marginal player in the economy, suddenly found itself at the centre of the attempt to resolve the crisis. This marked a turning point in the understanding and practice of economic liberalism. Governments around the world, under pressure from economic and social realities, began to adopt more interventionist policies. The state took on a more active role in regulating the economy, protecting workers and stabilising financial markets.
| | 1929 年的危机凸显了当时经济自由主义的脆弱性和固有缺陷。这种模式在大萧条之前的几年中占主导地位，它提倡国家在经济中扮演最低限度的角色，让市场自由发展，政府不进行重大干预。这种经济自由主义制度往往有利于土地所有者、工业家和金融部门，鼓励财富和权力在这些精英手中积累。监管和控制机制薄弱或根本不存在，使得这些群体的繁荣往往以牺牲工人阶级的利益为代价。另一方面，工人的处境岌岌可危。他们工资低、工作条件差，几乎没有社会保障或法律保护。他们的权利和自由往往被忽视，经济和社会不平等加剧。大萧条加剧了这些问题。随着市场崩溃、失业率飙升和企业倒闭，经济自由主义的结构性弱点变得不可否认。传统上在经济中处于边缘地位的国家，突然发现自己成了试图解决危机的中心。这标志着对经济自由主义的理解和实践的一个转折点。在经济和社会现实的压力下，世界各国政府开始采取更多的干预政策。国家在调节经济、保护工人和稳定金融市场方面发挥了更加积极的作用。 |
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| The crisis of 1929 exposed the structural weaknesses of the economic liberalism model of the time. A particularly striking feature of this model was the concentration of wealth and power in the hands of economic elites, such as hacendados, industrialists and bankers. Workers, on the other hand, often lacked sufficient protection and rights, and suffered the most serious consequences of these inequalities. Against this backdrop of uncertainty and economic insecurity, the population, faced with massive economic distress, often looked for strong leadership to restore stability and order. In several Latin American countries, charismatic figures have emerged, proposing authoritarian or populist alternatives to the liberalism that previously prevailed. In the United States, the response to the crisis was also characterised by increased state intervention. Under the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt, the New Deal marked a significant break with the previous laissez-faire liberalism. The government adopted a series of measures to stimulate economic growth, create jobs and protect the most vulnerable citizens. This involved tighter regulation of financial markets, an expansion of workers' rights and social welfare initiatives. The need to reassure and unify the population in this period of crisis revealed the importance of nationalism. Leaders have turned to nationalist ideas and symbols to bring their nations together and build a sense of solidarity and social cohesion.
| | 1929 年的危机暴露了当时经济自由主义模式的结构性弱点。这种模式的一个显著特点是财富和权力集中在经济精英（如商人、实业家和银行家）手中。另一方面，工人往往缺乏足够的保护和权利，承受着这些不平等带来的最严重后果。在这种不确定性和经济不安全感的背景下，面临巨大经济困难的民众往往寻求强有力的领导来恢复稳定和秩序。在一些拉美国家，出现了一些有魅力的人物，他们提出了独裁或民粹主义的方案，以取代以前盛行的自由主义。在美国，应对危机的措施也以加强国家干预为特点。在富兰克林-罗斯福担任总统期间，新政标志着与以往自由放任自由主义的重大决裂。政府采取了一系列措施来刺激经济增长、创造就业机会和保护最弱势的公民。这包括加强对金融市场的监管、扩大工人权利和社会福利措施。在这一危机时期，安抚和团结民众的需要揭示了民族主义的重要性。领导人转而利用民族主义思想和符号来凝聚民族，建立团结和社会凝聚力。 |
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| Populism is often characterised by its ambivalence. On the one hand, it can offer a voice to people who feel neglected or marginalised by political and economic elites. In this context, populist leaders can mobilise broad popular support by responding to the frustrations and concerns of the masses. They are able to maintain social peace temporarily by presenting themselves as champions of "ordinary people" against corrupt and out-of-touch elites. On the other hand, populism can also be critical. Although populist leaders often promise radical change and the righting of perceived wrongs, they can actually reinforce existing structures of power and inequality. The reforms initiated under populist regimes are often superficial and fail to address the root causes of inequality and injustice. Sometimes these reforms are more focused on consolidating power in the hands of the populist leader than on improving the living conditions of the people they claim to represent. The illusion of change and representation can be maintained by skilful rhetoric and effective communication strategies. However, beneath the surface, structures of power and inequality often remain unchanged. This can lead to subsequent disillusionment among populist supporters, when bold promises of change and justice turn out to be insufficient or unattainable.
| | 民粹主义往往具有矛盾性。一方面，它可以为那些感到自己被政治和经济精英忽视或边缘化的人们发出声音。在这种情况下，民粹主义领导人可以通过回应群众的不满和关切来动员广泛的民众支持。他们能够以 "普通人 "的拥护者自居，反对腐败和不合群的精英，从而暂时维持社会和平。另一方面，民粹主义也可能具有批判性。虽然民粹主义领导人经常承诺进行彻底变革，纠正人们认为的错误，但他们实际上可能会强化现有的权力和不平等结构。民粹主义政权发起的改革往往流于表面，未能从根本上解决不平等和不公正问题。有时，这些改革更注重巩固民粹主义领导人手中的权力，而不是改善他们声称代表的人民的生活条件。娴熟的言辞和有效的传播策略可以维持变革和代表的假象。然而，在表面之下，权力和不平等的结构往往保持不变。当大胆的变革和正义承诺被证明不充分或无法实现时，这可能导致民粹主义支持者的幻想破灭。 |
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| These dynamics have been observed in a number of historical and geographical contexts. Small farmers and the working class are often the most vulnerable to the devastating effects of economic crises. Their livelihoods are directly linked to an economy that, in times of crisis, becomes uncertain and precarious. In this context, the promise of populism, with its guarantees of economic recovery and fairness, can appear seductive. Socialist and Communist parties have historically sought to represent these groups. They often propose radical reforms to rebalance economic and political power, with an emphasis on protecting workers and small farmers. However, in times of crisis, these parties and movements can be marginalised or absorbed by more powerful populist forces. Populism, in its various manifestations, often presents a unified vision of the nation and proposes a quick fix to complex economic and social problems. This can lead to the suppression or co-option of smaller, more specialised groups and parties. Populist discourse tends to unite diverse groups under a national banner, setting aside specific demands and identities of class, region or profession.
| | 在许多历史和地理背景下都可以观察到这些动态。小农和工人阶级往往最容易受到经济危机的破坏性影响。他们的生计与经济直接相关，而在危机时期，经济变得不确定、不稳定。在这种情况下，民粹主义保证经济复苏和公平的承诺就显得极具诱惑力。社会党和共产党历来试图代表这些群体。它们往往提出激进的改革，以重新平衡经济和政治权力，并强调保护工人和小农。然而，在危机时期，这些政党和运动可能会被边缘化，或被更强大的民粹主义势力所吸收。民粹主义的表现形式多种多样，通常会提出统一的国家愿景，并提出快速解决复杂经济和社会问题的方案。这可能会导致规模较小、更加专业化的团体和政党受到压制或被收编。民粹主义言论倾向于将不同的群体团结在国家的旗帜下，将阶级、地区或职业的具体要求和身份搁置一边。 |
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| The shortcomings and flaws of economic liberalism were exposed, and with them the profound inequalities that characterised these societies.
| | 经济自由主义的缺点和弊端暴露无遗，随之而来的是作为这些社会特征的深刻不平等。 |
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| The crisis shook confidence in the existing economic system and highlighted the need for structural reform. Leaders who could articulate a convincing vision of a unified and prosperous nation gained ground. In many cases, they adopted nationalist ideologies, promising to restore dignity, power and prosperity to the nations they led. These ideologies sometimes led to an increase in authoritarianism. Populist leaders, armed with the urgency of the crisis, often consolidated power in their own hands, marginalising competing political forces and establishing regimes which, while popular, were often marked by the restriction of civil liberties and the concentration of power. However, it is also important to recognise that in some contexts, this period of crisis led to substantial and necessary reforms. In the United States, for example, the Roosevelt administration introduced the New Deal, a set of programmes and policies that not only helped to stabilise the economy, but also laid the foundations for a more robust social safety net.
| | 危机动摇了人们对现有经济体系的信心，凸显了结构改革的必要性。那些能够提出令人信服的统一和繁荣国家愿景的领导人赢得了支持。在许多情况下，他们采用民族主义意识形态，承诺恢复他们所领导的国家的尊严、权力和繁荣。这些意识形态有时会导致专制主义抬头。民粹主义领导人在危机的紧迫感的武装下，往往会巩固自己手中的权力，排挤相互竞争的政治力量，建立虽然受欢迎但往往以限制公民自由和权力集中为特点的政权。然而，同样重要的是要认识到，在某些情况下，危机时期促成了实质性的必要改革。例如，在美国，罗斯福政府推行了 "新政"，这套计划和政策不仅有助于稳定经济，还为建立更强大的社会安全网奠定了基础。 |
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| The social unrest that followed the Great Depression created an urgent need for stability and reform. In response, governments oscillated between authoritarianism and populism to maintain control and ensure social peace. Populism, in particular, appeared to be a mechanism for appeasing the masses and avoiding revolution, a strategy illustrated by political developments in Cuba in 1933. The populist movement, however, was not content with rhetoric; it required a certain substantiality in the implementation of policies in order to be effective. This often involved the introduction of social legislation to protect the rights of workers and the poor, a necessary step to alleviate the pervasive social unrest of the time. However, although these measures succeeded in temporarily easing social tensions, they did not eliminate the underlying problems of inequality and injustice. The seeds of discontent remained, latent but alive, and re-emerged with a vengeance after the Second World War. A new era of political and social mobilisation was about to begin. Small peasants in rural areas and socialist and communist parties and unions in urban areas were particularly hard hit by the continuing repercussions of the Great Depression. While the state had managed to suppress or integrate some of these groups into larger, national political structures, the social protection offered was often inadequate. The basic problems of economic inequality, social justice and human rights remained unresolved.
| | 大萧条之后的社会动荡造成了对稳定和改革的迫切需求。为此，各国政府在专制主义和民粹主义之间摇摆不定，以维持控制和确保社会安宁。尤其是民粹主义，它似乎是一种安抚群众和避免革命的机制，1933 年古巴的政治发展就说明了这一策略。然而，民粹主义运动并不满足于夸夸其谈，它要求在执行政策时具有一定的实质性，这样才能有效。这通常涉及引入社会立法以保护工人和穷人的权利，这是缓解当时普遍存在的社会动荡的必要步骤。然而，尽管这些措施成功地暂时缓解了社会紧张局势，但并没有消除不平等和不公正的根本问题。不满情绪的种子依然潜伏着，并在第二次世界大战后再次爆发。一个政治和社会动员的新时代即将开始。农村地区的小农、城市地区的社会主义和共产主义政党及工会受到大萧条持续影响的冲击尤为严重。虽然国家设法压制了其中一些群体，或将其纳入更大的国家政治结构，但提供的社会保护往往不足。经济不平等、社会公正和人权等基本问题仍未得到解决。 |
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根据 Aline Helg 的演讲改编[1][2][3][4][5][6][7]
第一次世界大战后，民粹主义在拉丁美洲兴起，其根源在于复杂的社会和经济动态。民主体制薄弱，无力满足公民日益增长的需求，贫困现象普遍，不平等现象严重，这些都为民粹主义思想的滋生提供了肥沃的土壤。1929 年经济大萧条的破坏性影响加剧了原有的紧张局势，使该地区陷入前所未有的政治暴力和社会动荡时代。
在哥伦比亚，豪尔赫-埃利塞-盖坦（Jorge Eliécer Gaitán）的史诗般的故事是这一动荡时期的缩影。在民众支持浪潮的推动下，盖坦和他的运动俘获了弱势群体的想象力，承诺实现正义和平等。他在 1948 年惨遭暗杀，引发了 "暴力"--一段血腥而持久的内部冲突。
古巴也不甘示弱。20 世纪 30 年代，另一位自称捍卫工人阶级利益的魅力型领导人富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔（Fulgencio Batista）横空出世。然而，腐败和专制侵蚀了他统治的合法性，为菲德尔-卡斯特罗 1959 年的革命铺平了道路。
在巴西，1930 年热图利奥-瓦加斯（Getúlio Vargas）的上台似乎预示着彻底的变革。瓦加斯以工人阶级和边缘化人群的福祉为中心，发起了渐进式改革。然而，其政府的专制倾向玷污了他的遗产，最终导致他于 1945 年被推翻。
在全球动荡的政治和经济背景下，本文旨在剖析民粹主义在拉美兴起背后的根本原因。本文通过对哥伦比亚、古巴和巴西的深入案例研究，对大萧条对该地区的影响进行了细致的分析，揭示了民粹主义的细微差别和各国的具体特点。
20 世纪 20 年代，拉丁美洲在瞬息万变的经济、政治和社会动态的推动下经历了一场变革。第一次世界大战结束后，该地区经济显著增长，通常被称为 "繁荣 "时期。这一时期的繁荣一直持续到本十年末，其主要原因是在全球经济复苏和工业扩张的刺激下，国际社会对南美产品的需求不断增长。对橡胶、铜和大豆等原材料的需求大幅增加，推动拉美经济步入增长轨道。在重建和扩张过程中，国际市场以前所未有的速度吸收了这些产品。因此，外资涌入，国内产业扩张，城市化进程加快，改变了该地区的社会和经济面貌。经济繁荣也带来了重大的社会政治变革。中产阶级的崛起和城市人口的增长为民主和社会改革创造了动力。公民们现在更加知情和参与，开始要求更多的政治参与和更公平的国家财富分配。然而，表面的繁荣掩盖了结构性的弱点。对世界市场和原材料的过度依赖使拉丁美洲对国际经济波动尤为敏感。1929 年的大萧条残酷地暴露了这些弱点，导致严重的经济萎缩、失业以及社会和政治动荡。
20 世纪 20 年代是拉丁美洲的黄金时代，常被称为 "百万人的舞蹈"，这是一个空前繁荣的时代，其特点是经济飞速增长和乐观情绪感染力极强。国民生产总值的指数式增长和主要来自美国的外国投资者的热情，将该地区变成了商机和创新的沃土。这一繁荣时代是全球和地区经济因素偶然结合的产物。第一次世界大战后，欧洲和其他地区的重建刺激了对拉丁美洲自然资源和农业资源的需求。该地区各国拥有丰富的原材料，其出口额激增，带来了国家经济的扩张和繁荣。百万人的舞蹈 "不仅仅是一种经济现象。它渗透到了该地区的社会和文化精神中，给人们带来了乐观和愉悦的感觉。大都市百花齐放，艺术和文化蓬勃发展，人们明显感觉到拉丁美洲即将实现其尚未开发的潜力。然而，这种狂舞也带有模糊性。繁荣并不是平均分配的，社会和经济不平等持续存在，甚至有所恶化。外国资本的大量涌入也引发了对经济依赖性和外国干涉的担忧。世界市场的动荡和商品价格的波动使经济复苏变得脆弱。
百万人的舞蹈 "是拉丁美洲经济史上的一个标志性事件，说明了以外资涌入和经济多样化萌芽为特征的转型。虽然该地区传统上以农产品和矿产品为主的出口经济为基础，但全球形势为其重大调整打开了一扇机会之窗。第一次世界大战迫使欧洲减少出口，造成了一个真空地带，拉丁美洲新兴工业急于填补。拉美大陆自然资源丰富，但以前受限于工业能力低下，因此开始加速工业化进程。纺织业、食品业和建筑业取得了显著增长，标志着向更加自给自足和多元化的经济转型。外资的涌入，加上国内工业的增长，也带动了城市化的快速发展。城市不断发展壮大，城市中产阶级随之崛起，改变了该地区的社会和政治格局。这一新动态为经济注入了活力和多样性，但也凸显了结构性挑战和持续存在的不平等。尽管经济欣欣向荣，但对商品出口的持续依赖使该地区容易受到外部冲击的影响。繁荣建立在不稳定的平衡之上，"百万人的舞蹈 "既是对增长的庆祝，也预示着未来经济的脆弱性。
第一次世界大战后，美帝国主义在拉丁美洲崛起。当欧洲列强，尤其是英国忙于战后重建时，美国抓住机会扩大了对其南部邻国的控制。这种优势并非偶然，而是深思熟虑的战略结果。19 世纪初宣布的门罗主义在这一背景下找到了新的现实意义，其基本原则 "美国人的美国 "成为美国扩张的意识形态基础。帝国主义入侵的形式多种多样。在政治上，美国参与了政权更迭工程，扶植意识形态上与华盛顿一致、经济上从属于华盛顿的政府。直接军事干预、支持政变和其他形式的政治干预司空见惯。在经济上，美国公司在该地区如雨后春笋般涌现。它们的影响力不仅限于开采自然资源和农业资源，还扩展到支配当地和地区市场。香蕉种植园 "的概念已成为这个时代的象征，联合果品公司等公司在这里拥有相当大的影响力。在文化方面，拉丁美洲经历了强烈的美国化。美国人的生活方式、价值观和民主理想得到了推广，这往往损害了当地的传统和特性。美国在拉丁美洲的霸权影响深远。它建立了新的地区秩序，重新定义了未来几十年的美洲关系。虽然这种影响在某些领域带来了现代化和发展，但也产生了抵触、怨恨和政治不稳定。美国影响的双重性--既是发展的催化剂，又是制约的根源--继续占据着拉丁美洲的政治和文化想象。那个时代遗留下来的影响今天仍然清晰可见，证明了美帝国主义在该地区的复杂性和模糊性。
在 "百万人的舞蹈 "时期，拉丁美洲的社会结构因重大的经济和政治动荡而被重塑和重新定义。这种变革不仅体现在经济增长数字或外国投资率上，也体现在普通公民的日常生活中，席卷整个大陆的变革潮流改变了他们的生活。经济结构的变化在社会中产生了深刻的反响。曾经是经济支柱的农业实现了机械化，减少了对大量劳动力的需求，加剧了小农的衰落。大型庄园和商业性农业企业成为主导者，将许多小农和佃农赶出了祖祖辈辈生活的土地。农村人口外流，即从农村向城市大规模移民的现象，是这些经济转型的一个明显症状。昔日宁静、易于管理的城镇变成了繁华的大都市，人口增长带来了就业、住房和公共服务方面的复杂挑战。本已令人担忧的贫困和不平等现象更加严重，在繁荣的城市中心外围出现了棚户区和贫困街区。大量的欧洲移民，尤其是移民到阿根廷和巴西的欧洲移民，给这一酝酿已久的社会组合增添了另一层复杂性。它刺激了人口和经济增长，但也加剧了对工作和资源的竞争，并扩大了社会和文化矛盾。在这种快速且往往破坏稳定的变化背景下，为民粹主义意识形态的出现提供了肥沃的土壤。民粹主义领导人的言论以社会正义、经济公平和政治改革为重点，在心怀不满的群众中引起了特别的共鸣。对于那些流离失所、被边缘化、对经济繁荣的承诺无法兑现而感到失望的人来说，民粹主义不仅提供了答案，还提供了归属感和尊严。
工业化和城市化的加速使拉丁美洲的人口结构迅速变化，这体现了一场重大变革，从许多方面重新定义了该地区。人口从农村向城市中心的大规模转移不仅是一种物质迁移，也是一种文化、社会和经济转型。在阿根廷、秘鲁和中美洲等国，生活在农村地区的人口比例迅速下降，凸显了人口迁移的规模。城市已成为经济增长的主要引擎，工业扩张带来的就业和机会承诺吸引了大量农村移民。然而，这种快速增长也扩大了现有的问题，并带来了新的问题。城市基础设施对如此大量的人口涌入毫无准备，往往不堪重负。住房短缺、医疗和教育服务不足以及失业率上升成为长期存在的问题。城市是机遇的象征，但同时也存在着明显的不平等和城市贫困。对于传统精英来说，人口结构的动荡带来了复杂的挑战。面对快速增长、多样化且经常不满的城市人口，旧有的治理和维护社会秩序的方法已显得力不从心。我们需要新的社会、政治和经济管理机制来应对不断变化的现实。向城市社会的转变也产生了深远的政治影响。城市新移民的独特关切和需求改变了政治格局。能够表达和回应这些新需求的政党和运动变得越来越重要。正是在这种背景下，民粹主义凭借其对大众的直接号召力以及对社会和经济改革的承诺，逐渐占据了上风。这种快速转型的影响至今仍清晰可见。拉美城市是充满活力的文化、经济和政治中心，但也面临着贫困、不平等和治理等长期挑战。从农村向城市的移民是 "百万人之舞 "的一个决定性因素，它继续影响着拉丁美洲的发展轨迹，证明了这个多样化和快速发展地区的复杂性和动态性。
千百万人的舞蹈 "不仅是经济和人口的蜕变，也是思想和意识形态的激荡。贸易和通信网络的发展不仅密切了城市和地区之间的联系，也密切了国家和大陆之间的联系。拉丁美洲已成为一个思想和意识形态相互交融的大熔炉，为社会和政治创新以及抗议活动提供了肥沃的土壤。处于革命阵痛中的墨西哥成为进步和民族主义思想的输出国。与此同时，欧洲社会主义和法西斯主义以及布尔什维克俄国的影响也渗透进来，引入了挑战现有范式的概念和方法。每种思潮都有自己的追随者和批评者，为丰富该地区的政治话语做出了贡献。移民，尤其是逃离欧洲迫害的犹太移民的到来，为这一文化和思想马赛克增添了另一个维度。他们不仅带来了不同的技能和才能，还带来了独特的意识形态和文化观点，丰富了社会和政治话语。传统精英的地位岌岌可危。他们曾经不受挑战的权威，现在正受到日益多样化、受教育程度越来越高、参与度越来越高的人口的挑战。城市作为创新和竞争的中心，成为关于身份认同、治理和社会正义的激烈辩论的舞台。在此背景下，民粹主义找到了自己的时代和位置。民粹主义领导人善于表达大众的不满情绪，并大胆提出平等和正义的愿景，因此大受欢迎。他们能够在思想和意识形态的汪洋大海中游刃有余，针对贫困、不平等和排斥等紧迫挑战提出具体对策。由此可见，"百万人之舞 "是一个多层面变革的时期。它不仅重新定义了拉丁美洲的经济和人口结构，还开创了一个意识形态多元化和政治动态的时代，并将在今后几代人中继续影响该地区的命运。在这一充满活力的背景下，传统与现代、精英与大众以及不同意识形态之间的紧张关系，形成了我们今天所知的拉丁美洲独特而复杂的特征。
以 "百万人的舞蹈 "为特征的时期是拉丁美洲既有权力结构和社会规范受到深刻挑战的关键时刻。快速工业化、城市化和外国意识形态涌入的综合力量暴露了现有政权基础的裂缝，引发了对社会和政治秩序的重新评估。传统精英阶层和天主教会曾经是权威和影响力不可挑战的支柱，如今却面临着一系列前所未有的挑战。他们的道德和政治权威不仅因思想和信仰的多样化而受到侵蚀，也因他们显然无力缓解因经济快速转型而加剧的贫困和不平等而受到侵蚀。移民浪潮带来的新意识形态，在不断扩大的通信网络的推动下，绕过了传统的信息和知识守门人。社会主义、法西斯主义和布尔什维主义等思想在感到被边缘化和被现有体制遗忘的人群中得到了回应。城市中心的快速发展是变革的另一个催化剂。城市已成为多样性和创新的熔炉，但同时也是贫困和失望的中心。新进城的人们脱离了传统的农村生活结构，面对残酷的城市生活现实，他们乐于接受激进的思想和改革运动。正是在这片沃土上，民粹主义运动发芽并蓬勃发展。民粹主义领导人善于引导民众的不满情绪，表达公平正义的愿景，他们的出现成为传统精英的可行替代方案。他们为当时的紧迫问题提供了答案，尽管是有争议的答案：如何协调经济进步与社会正义？如何将不同的思想和身份整合成一个统一的国家愿景？
从农村向城市的大规模移民引发了一场文化和社会骚动，其影响至今仍在当代拉丁美洲产生共鸣。城市曾经是城市精英和殖民传统的堡垒，如今已成为不同阶层、种族和文化之间互动和融合的活跃场所。在蓬勃发展的城市中，棚户区和工人阶级社区成倍增加，居住着多样化和充满活力的人口。虽然这些地区以贫困和不稳定为特征，但它们也是创新的空间，在这里诞生了新的文化、艺术和音乐表现形式。音乐、艺术、文学甚至美食都在这种传统和影响的融合中发生了变化。每座城市都生动地反映了本国的多样性。在里约热内卢、布宜诺斯艾利斯和墨西哥城，农村地区的声音、风味和色彩已经渗透到城市生活中，形成了具有丰富而复杂特征的大都市。曾经在偏远乡村和农村社区中孤立存在的传统已经融合和演变，形成了独特而鲜明的文化形式。在社会方面，农村移民面临着残酷的城市生活现实。要适应城市环境，不仅需要调整经济和职业方向，还需要转变身份和生活方式。旧有的规范和价值观受到挑战，新移民必须适应不断变化的社会环境。然而，这些挑战也是变革的载体。移民社区一直是社会和文化变革的积极推动者。他们在城市话语中引入了新的规范、新的价值观和新的愿望。争取生存、尊严和认可的斗争为社会和政治运动注入了新的动力，加强了对权利、正义和公平的要求。
新与旧、农村与城市、传统与现代之间的对抗是 "百万人跳舞 "时期拉丁美洲变革的核心。农村移民虽然被边缘化，经常受到城市居民的蔑视，但他们实际上是变革的推动者，是社会和文化复兴的催化剂。移民促进了更深层次的民族融合。尽管存在歧视和困难，移民还是将他们的传统、语言和文化融入了大都市的结构之中。这种对比鲜明、充满活力的马赛克文化促进了互动和交流，逐渐消解了地区和社会壁垒，为更加一致和融合的民族身份奠定了基础。城市化还引发了一场教育革命。文盲现象一度十分普遍，但随着城市人口受教育程度和知识水平的提高，文盲现象开始逐渐减少。教育不再是奢侈品，而是必需品，接受教育为人们打开了通往经济和社会机遇的大门，也培养了积极开明的公民意识。广播和电影的出现标志着这一转变的另一个重要阶段。这些媒体不仅提供娱乐，还成为传播信息和思想的渠道。它们抓住了大众的想象力，建立了一个超越地理和社会界限的受众群体。大众文化曾经是细分的、区域性的，如今已成为全国性的，甚至是国际性的。这些发展侵蚀了传统的分裂，培养了集体认同和民族意识。挑战当然很多，但随之而来的是前所未有的表达、代表和参与机会。随着人口的迁徙，拉丁美洲不仅在物质上，而且在社会和文化上都在前进。以 "百万人的舞蹈 "为标志的岁月是一个充满矛盾的时代。这个时代充满了深刻的不平等和歧视，但同时也充满了创造力和社会活力，为现代拉丁美洲社会奠定了基础。在这个动荡的时代，为地区历史的新篇章奠定了基础，在这个篇章中，身份、文化和民族性将不断被协商、争论和重塑。
1910 年代和 1920 年代新中产阶级的出现是一种变革现象，颠覆了拉丁美洲传统的社会和政治动态。这个新的社会阶层受教育程度更高，经济更加多元化，是传统精英与工人和农村阶级之间的中间力量。这个中产阶级的特点是经济相对独立，受教育机会更多，不太愿意屈从于传统精英和外国资本的权威。它是民主愿望背后的推动力，主张治理和公共生活的透明、公平和参与。经济扩张、城市化和工业化刺激了这一中产阶级的崛起。公共部门、教育和小型企业的就业机会激增。随着经济和社会的发展，一种更强烈的身份认同感和自主意识逐渐扎根。这些人是新的意识形态和观点的传播者。他们寻求政治代表权、受教育机会和社会公正。他们通常受过教育，也是思想和文化的消费者和传播者，将本地和国际影响联系在一起。中产阶级对政治的影响是巨大的。它是民主化、多元化表达和公共辩论的催化剂。他们支持并经常领导改革运动，寻求重新平衡权力、减少腐败并确保资源和机会得到更公平的分配。在文化方面，这一新兴中产阶级是独特民族文化兴起的核心。他们是文学、艺术、音乐和电影的创造者和消费者，反映了各自国家的具体现实、挑战和愿望。
这些年轻大学生的涌入为拉美国家的学术和文化氛围注入了新的活力和激情。这些学生充满好奇心和雄心壮志，对自己在瞬息万变的社会中所扮演的角色有了更深刻的认识，他们往往站在知识创新和社会变革的最前沿。大学成为思想交流、辩论和抗议的沃土。教室和校园是挑战传统观念、探索和塑造新兴模式的场所。治理、民权、国家认同和社会正义等问题经常被讨论和辩论，并重新焕发出激情和活力。当时的学生并不是被动的旁观者，他们积极参与政治和社会活动。许多人受到了各种意识形态的影响，包括社会主义、马克思主义、民族主义和其他在一战后世界中蓬勃发展的思潮。大学成为了理论与实践交汇和融合的活动中心。经济环境在这一转变中也发挥了至关重要的作用。随着中产阶级的崛起，高等教育不再是精英阶层的专利。越来越多的中产阶级家庭渴望为子女提供受教育的机会，从而为他们的美好生活铺平道路，使其具有经济保障和社会流动性。学生群体的多样化也导致了观点和愿望的多样化。学生们渴望积极参与国家建设、确定自己的身份和塑造自己的未来。他们意识到自己作为变革推动者的潜力，决心在社会变革中发挥作用。
1918 年是拉丁美洲学生参与政治的一个重要转折点。在当地和国际动态的双重鼓舞和激励下，他们成为积极的政治参与者，就影响其国家的关键问题大胆发言。学生激进主义的兴起并不局限于传统政治，还包括教育、社会正义和公民权利等问题。大学自治是他们的核心诉求。他们向往不受外部政治和意识形态影响的高等教育机构，在那里，自由思想、创新和批判性辩论能够蓬勃发展。对他们而言，大学是学习和知识探索的圣地，是年轻人可以不受束缚地进行培训、质疑和创新的地方。多样化的意识形态激发了这些年轻人的活力和激情。墨西哥革命对正义、平等和改革的强烈呼吁引起了强烈共鸣。土著主义关注土著人民的权利和尊严，为他们的事业增添了另一层复杂性和紧迫性。社会主义和无政府主义为社会和经济秩序提供了另一种视角。这些学生并不只是被动地接受教育。他们认为自己是积极的伙伴，是变革的催化剂，是更加公正和公平的未来的建设者。他们深信，教育应该成为解放的工具，不仅是他们自己的解放，也是整个社会的解放，尤其是工人阶级和边缘化群体的解放。他们的行动和声音超越了大学的围墙。他们与社会进行了更广泛的对话，激发了公众辩论，影响了政策。他们的要求和行动揭示了对改革的深切渴求，对拆除压迫性结构和建设基于公平、正义和包容的国家的渴望。
二十世纪初，拉丁美洲社会运动蓬勃发展，工人运动尤其得到加强。在快速工业化和社会变革之后，新兴行业的工人发现自己的工作条件往往岌岌可危，因此迫切需要团结和动员起来，改善他们的生活和工作条件。20 世纪 20 年代，工会组织显著增加。在社会主义、无政府主义和共产主义思想的鼓励下，并往往在受到欧洲劳工运动影响的欧洲移民的引导下，拉美工人开始认识到集体行动的价值和力量。他们认识到，通过统一和有组织的组织，可以有效地保护和促进他们的权益。采矿、制造、石油和其他重工业等行业成为工人运动的据点。面对艰苦的工作条件、漫长的工作时间、不足的工资以及很少或根本没有社会保障，这些行业的工人特别容易接受团结和动员的号召。罢工、示威和其他形式的直接行动成为工人表达诉求、挑战剥削和不公正的常见方式。工会不仅是集体谈判和捍卫工人权利的重要平台，也是团结、政治教育和构建阶级认同的空间。这场运动并不是孤立的，它与拉美国家内外更广泛的政治运动有着内在的联系。左翼意识形态帮助塑造了工人的言论和要求，为他们的斗争注入了深刻的政治内涵。这些动态促成了拉丁美洲深刻的社会政治变革。曾经被边缘化和无权无势的工人已成为重要的政治参与者。他们的斗争推动了更具包容性政策的出现、公民权的扩大以及社会和经济权利的进步。
在这一动荡时期，军队不仅成为国防和安全机构，也成为拉丁美洲重要的政治角色。军队成为变革的能动推动者，往往是对被认为无法满足不同人群日益增长的社会和经济需求的政府的反应。军事政变层出不穷，领导政变的往往是雄心勃勃的军官，他们渴望改革，渴望建立秩序和稳定。这些干预措施有时受到因文职领导人腐败、无能和低效而感到沮丧的部分民众的欢迎。然而，它们也带来了新的权力和专制动态，对治理、人权和发展产生了复杂的影响。军队崛起的核心是一种内在的紧张关系。军队往往被视为现代化和进步的推动者，带来坚定的领导和必要的改革。与此同时，军队的崛起也意味着权力的集中以及对公民和政治自由的潜在压制。在墨西哥和巴西等国，军队的影响力是显而易见的。巴西的热图利奥-瓦加斯（Getúlio Vargas）等人体现了这个时代的复杂性。他们推行了重大的经济和社会改革，利用了民众的不满情绪，但同时也通过独裁手段进行统治。军方对政治的入侵与更广泛的经济和社会动态相互关联。1929 年的大萧条加剧了现有的紧张局势，使经济和社会面临考验。民粹主义意识形态大行其道，为复杂的结构性问题提供了简单而诱人的答案。
军队脱离拉丁美洲传统机构的影响和控制可归因于几个关键因素。一方面，社会经济和政治问题日趋复杂，需要一种更强有力的、往往是独裁的方式来维持秩序和稳定。另一方面，对快速现代化和结构改革的渴望促使军队将自己定位为自主和强大的政治行为体。传统政党和天主教会难以满足日益增长和日益城市化的人口不断变化的需求和愿望，这加剧了其影响力的削弱。传统精英和机构的声誉扫地，留下了一个真空地带，而军队则随时准备填补，以秩序、纪律和效率的堡垒自居。政变和军事干预成为调整国家政治进程的常用手段。干预的理由往往是腐败盛行、文官执政无能，以及需要一只强有力的手来引导国家走向现代化和进步。国家安全理论强调国内稳定，打击共产主义和其他 "国内威胁"，在军队政治化的过程中也发挥了核心作用。这种理论往往受到外部影响（尤其是美国）的推波助澜和支持，导致该地区出现了一系列独裁政权和军事独裁。然而，军队成为一支占主导地位的政治力量并非没有后果。虽然许多军事政权最初往往因其改革和秩序的承诺而受到欢迎，但其特点却是镇压、侵犯人权和独裁。稳定和进步的承诺往往与公民和政治自由的减少相抵消。
军队作为一支新的政治力量在拉丁美洲的出现与中产阶级的崛起是共生的。军官通常出身贫寒，他们在社会和政治上的崛起与中产阶级在国家范围内的扩张和肯定是并行不悖的。军队作用的扩大不仅限于治理和政治，还延伸到了经济发展。在军官们看来，军事机构是推动经济快速现代化、打击地方腐败和建立有效治理的有效且纪律严明的机制，而这些特点往往被认为是以前的文职政府所缺乏的。军队的愿景超越了简单的维持秩序和安全。它包含了改造国家、推动工业化、实现基础设施现代化和促进经济平衡发展的雄心壮志。这种观点往往植根于民族主义意识形态，旨在减少对外国势力的依赖，维护国家主权和自主权。在这种格局下，军队被定位为能够超越党派分歧、部门利益和地区竞争的机构。它承诺团结、明确的领导和对共同利益的承诺，这些品质被视为在 20 世纪 20 年代及其后动荡的经济和政治环境中航行的基本要素。然而，这一新动态也对拉丁美洲的民主性质、三权分立和公民权利提出了严峻的问题。军方在政治和经济中的主导地位为专制主义和军国主义的蓬勃发展创造了环境，而这往往会损害政治和公民自由。
军方越来越多地参与拉美政治并不是一种孤立的动态；它是更广泛的社会政治变革的一部分，这种变革对传统的权力结构提出了挑战，并为更广泛的参与开辟了空间。尽管军事干预往往与专制主义联系在一起，但矛盾的是，在某些地区和背景下，军事干预与政治领域的扩大同时发生。这种开放最显著的表现之一就是以前被边缘化的群体逐渐被纳入其中。长期被排除在政治决策之外的工人阶级开始发出自己的声音。工会和工人运动在这一发展中发挥了关键作用，为工人权利、经济公平和社会正义而战。与此同时，妇女也开始争取自己在公共领域的地位。女权运动和女权团体应运而生，它们挑战传统的性别规范，争取性别平等、选举权以及在社会、经济和政治生活各个领域的公平代表权。这些变化受到多种因素的影响。在现代化、教育和全球通信的推动下，民主和平等主义思想越来越自由地传播。国际社会和政治运动也发挥了作用，各种思想和理想超越国界，影响着当地的言论。然而，民主和参与的扩大并不是一成不变的。它往往与专制和保守势力形成紧张关系，并取决于每个国家的具体动态。所取得的成果是有争议的、脆弱的，民主化的轨迹也远非线性的。
电影和广播等新兴技术融入拉美政治的同时，极右翼意识形态也在该地区抬头。这种融合创造了一种动态，使政治信息，尤其是那些与保守和独裁理念相一致的信息，能够以前所未有的方式得到放大和传播。对社会不稳定、经济紧张局势的担忧，以及对被视为对现有社会和经济秩序构成威胁的左翼意识形态的反感，使极右翼获得了影响力。这场运动的政治和军事领导人利用新媒体技术来宣传他们的意识形态，接触和动员支持群体，并影响公众舆论。广播和电影成为塑造政治和社会意识的有力工具。信息的设计和播出方式可以唤起人们的情感、强化集体身份并阐明特定的世界观。有魅力的人物利用这些媒体树立自己的形象，直接与大众沟通，并塑造公共话语。然而，媒体影响力的扩大也引发了有关宣传、操纵和媒体权力集中的批判性问题。特别是极右翼分子，他们往往采取信息操纵、媒体控制和压制不同声音的策略。这些动态对拉丁美洲的民主和公民社会产生了相当大的影响。一方面，信息获取渠道的增加以及广播和电影动员能力的提高在公共领域的民主化方面发挥了作用。另一方面，极右翼势力对这些技术的战略性使用也助长了专制意识形态的巩固和传播。在这种复杂的背景下，拉美的政治和媒体版图已成为一片充满争议的土地。对信息的控制、真理的定义和公众舆论的塑造与该地区的权力、权威和民主问题有着内在的联系。这一新兴传播和意识形态两极分化时代的共鸣至今仍在影响着拉丁美洲的政治和社会动态。
20 世纪 20 年代至 50 年代的拉美民粹主义是一种复杂的现象，它将不同的群众团结在有魅力的人物周围，这些人物承诺进行彻底变革并满足人民的需求。由于社会经济不平等、不公正和大部分人口被边缘化的现象日益加剧，人们普遍感到不满，因此这些民众运动便应运而生。巴西的热图利奥-瓦加斯、阿根廷的胡安-庇隆和墨西哥的拉萨罗-卡德纳斯等民粹主义领导人利用了这些不满情绪。他们往往绕过传统机构和精英，与选民建立直接联系，并引入了以领袖为中心的治理风格。他们的言论充满了社会正义、民族主义和经济再分配的主题。20 世纪 30 年代至 50 年代这一时期尤为动荡。民粹主义运动遭到保守势力和军方的激烈反对。政变屡见不鲜，这表明了民众力量与传统专制社会之间的紧张关系。然而，民粹主义留下了不可磨灭的遗产。首先，它扩大了政治参与。以前被排除在政治进程之外的部分人口被动员起来，融入国家政治。其次，它将社会和经济正义的主题融入政治话语。虽然民粹主义领导人的方法和政策受到了挑战，但他们强调的公平、包容和权利问题将继续在拉美政治中产生共鸣。第三，它有助于围绕民族主义和主权形成一种政治认同。为了应对外国影响和经济失衡，民粹主义者提出了国家发展和尊严的愿景。然而，此时的拉美民粹主义也面临着相当大的挑战。对领袖的崇拜和权力的集中往往限制了健全的民主体制的发展。此外，尽管这些运动传递着包容的信息，但有时也会在社会内部造成两极分化和深刻冲突。民粹主义仍然是拉美政治的一个主要特征。民粹主义的形式、参与者和言论都在不断演变，但其提出的正义、包容和民族主义等基本主题仍在影响着政治格局，并在该地区的当代辩论和冲突中产生共鸣。
胡安-多明戈-贝隆是拉丁美洲民粹主义的代表人物之一，尽管他并不是民粹主义的发起者。20 世纪 40 年代贝隆在阿根廷上台执政时，民粹主义已成为拉丁美洲的一股主要政治力量，其特点是人物魅力十足、以社会和经济正义为导向，并在工人阶级中拥有庞大的支持基础。贝隆利用了这一现有运动，并根据阿根廷的特殊国情对其进行了调整。他的上台可归因于多种因素，包括他在现有军政府中的角色、他的个人魅力以及他围绕其政治纲领动员广泛社会群体的能力。贝隆主义或 "正义主义 "结合了社会主义、民族主义和资本主义的元素，创造了一种独特而鲜明的 "第三条道路"。贝隆促进了工人的福利，并推行了实质性的社会和经济改革。他的政策旨在平衡工人权利、社会公正和经济生产力。第一夫人伊娃-贝隆（或称 "艾薇塔"）也在贝隆民粹主义中发挥了核心作用。她是一位备受爱戴的人物，巩固了民众对庇隆政权的支持。埃维塔以其对穷人的奉献精神和在促进妇女权利（包括阿根廷妇女的选举权）方面的作用而闻名。因此，虽然贝隆乘着拉丁美洲已经存在的民粹主义浪潮，但他也留下了自己不可磨灭的印记。贝隆主义几十年来一直影响着阿根廷的政治，反映了该地区民粹主义与精英力量、社会包容与经济稳定、民族主义与国际主义之间持续存在的紧张关系。贝隆的遗产表明了拉丁美洲民粹主义的复杂性。它是一种根植于特定历史、社会和经济背景的现象，能够随着地区政治和社会动态的变化而自我调整和转变。
20 世纪二三十年代在拉丁美洲出现的民粹主义试图在维护现有社会和政治结构的同时，将工人阶级团结在一面政治旗帜之下。这场运动试图弥合不同的社会阶层，为工人、农村移民和小资产阶级提供发言权，同时避免对社会秩序进行彻底变革。在这种民粹主义中，国家扮演着中间人的核心角色。国家作为中间人，协调不同社会群体往往相互冲突的利益。民粹主义政府被公认为有能力推行社会和经济计划，以回应群众的切身利益。通过这种方式，他们寻求建立和加强自身的合法性，赢得民众的支持。魅力型领导是这一时期民粹主义的另一个显著特点。民粹主义领导人往往具有非凡的个人魅力，能够与群众建立直接联系。他们往往绕过传统的政治渠道，以人民的真正代表自居，他们的支持者也往往这样认为。然而，尽管在民众动员和政治参与方面取得了这些进步，这一时期的民粹主义并不寻求从根本上推翻现有的社会秩序。权力结构虽然受到争论和修改，但在很大程度上依然存在。民粹主义领导人进行了重大变革，但他们也谨慎行事，避免出现可能导致重大不稳定的激进断裂。民粹主义在拉丁美洲的演变是社会包容的必要性与根深蒂固的社会和政治秩序现实之间紧张关系的产物。该地区的每个国家虽然都有民粹主义的共同特征，但其表现方式反映了其具体的挑战、矛盾和机遇。
拉丁美洲的城市发展以城市人口的快速增长和工人阶级和中产阶级的日益动员为标志，被视为对传统社会秩序的威胁。新的城市群体有着与众不同的关切和愿望，有可能变得激进，挑战精英的霸权，对既有秩序构成重大挑战。在这种情况下，民粹主义应运而生，成为一种既能缓解这些威胁，又能实现一定程度的社会流动和融合的策略。民粹主义领导人没有选择阶级斗争这种可能导致重大社会和政治分裂的方式，而是采用了民族团结和国家统一的言论。他们主张建立一个企业主义国家，在这个国家中，社会的每一个部门、每一个 "企业 "都在精心策划的社会和谐中扮演着特定的角色。在这种模式中，国家扮演着家长式的核心角色，通过分级管理来指导和管理 "民族大家庭"。纵向赞助联盟对于保证不同群体的忠诚与合作至关重要，从而确保社会秩序保持平衡，即使是动态平衡。因此，这种民粹主义在满足城市大众某些愿望的同时，其最终目的是在一个经过调整但仍能维持的社会秩序中控制和引导他们的能量。变革是必要的，但必须谨慎管理，以避免社会革命。这种做法有助于政治稳定，但也限制了激进的社会变革和对结构性不平等的深刻挑战。这是在包容与控制、改革与维护之间的微妙舞蹈，是当时拉丁美洲政治格局的特点。
拉丁美洲的民粹主义往往体现在一位魅力十足的领导人身上，他以能够与群众建立深厚而强大的情感纽带而脱颖而出。这些领导人不仅仅是政治家，他们还是人民愿望和渴望的生动象征。他们的魅力不仅在于他们的口才或风采，还在于他们能够与工人阶级的日常经历和挑战产生共鸣。男性气质和力量是这些民粹主义人物的显著特征。他们体现了一种大男子主义，他们的活力和决心不仅具有吸引力，而且还能让那些在动荡时代寻求方向和稳定的受众感到安心。在这种情况下，专制主义并不被视为负面的，而是一种决心和能力的象征，能够为了人民的利益做出艰难的决定。这些富有魅力的领导人巧妙地将自己定位为人民意志的化身。他们以准救世主的形象出现，是弱势群体的拥护者，是无声者的代言人。他们超越传统政治，超越体制分歧，直接与人民对话，建立起一种直接的、近乎亲密的关系。在这种环境下，领导人与群众之间建立的情感纽带至关重要。这不是基于详细的政治纲领或僵化的意识形态，而是基于情感和象征性的炼金术。领导者被视为他们中的一员，深刻理解他们的需求、痛苦和希望。
在拉丁美洲，民粹主义领导人的形象在仁慈与专制的复杂组合中展开，这种双重性决定了他的治理方法以及他与人民的关系。民粹主义领导人被视为保护性的父亲，体现了家长式的形象，通过明显了解群众的需求和愿望，并承诺提供保护和监护，赢得了群众的信任和爱戴。然而，这种仁慈与公开的专制并存。反对和异议往往几乎不被容忍。领导人将自己和他人视为人民意志的化身，认为任何反对意见都不是民主的对立面，而是对人民意志的背叛。这种领导方式在温柔与强硬、包容与镇压之间摇摆不定。大众传媒的使用对于巩固这些民粹主义领导人的权力具有战略意义。广播、报纸以及后来的电视成为塑造领导人形象、建立和强化其个人品牌、巩固其对公众情感控制的有力工具。他们是传播艺术的大师，利用媒体直接与人民对话，绕过中间人，并灌输一种个人联系感。在意识形态上，拉美民粹主义往往没有复杂或深刻的理论。相反，它以民族主义、发展和社会正义等广泛的动员主题为基础。意识形态的精确性被牺牲以换取动员性的叙事，而领袖本人则作为这些事业不屈不挠的捍卫者站在中心。这种融合了个人魅力、媒体叙事和独裁但仁慈的方法的混合体，决定了拉丁美洲民粹主义的本质。领袖就是运动，运动就是领袖。这与其说是政治和意识形态，不如说是情感和符号的微妙舞蹈，在魅力型领导人与寻求认同、安全和认可的人民之间的亲密拥抱中，权力和受欢迎程度得以塑造。
国家干预主义是拉美民粹主义的一个特征，是民粹主义领导人致力于直接满足群众需求、建立符合民众愿望的社会和经济秩序的具体体现。在领导人的魅力领导下，国家不仅仅是进行管理，而是进行干预、承诺和变革。社会计划、经济举措和基础设施项目成为将个人魅力转化为具体可见行动的工具。然而，国内的社会和经济挑战往往错综复杂、根深蒂固，需要细致入微的长期解决方案。因此，对于民粹主义领导人来说，将人们的注意力从国内挑战转移到外部问题上，特别是通过确定共同的外国敌人，就变得很有诱惑力，有时甚至是必要的。由于民粹主义叙事以明确划分 "我们 "和 "他们 "为基础，因此民族主义与某种仇外心理交织在一起。无论是经常因其有害影响而受到谴责的美帝国主义，还是因其明显差异而成为攻击目标的不同移民群体，拉丁美洲的民粹主义叙事都将民众的不满和挫败感引向外部目标。在这种情况下，民族团结得到了加强，但代价往往是 "他人"，即那些被视为民族共同体之外的人被边缘化和污名化。这种策略虽然能成功地动员群众并巩固领导人的权力，但可能会掩盖，有时甚至会加剧潜在的紧张关系和挑战。内部社会冲突、经济不平等和政治分歧依然存在，虽然常常被掩盖，但始终存在。因此，拉美民粹主义以其华丽的外表和魅力，在肯定民族身份和处理内部紧张局势之间，在对繁荣未来的承诺和阻碍实现这一承诺的根深蒂固的现实挑战之间，跳着微妙的舞蹈。这是一个关于希望与挑战、团结与分裂的故事，揭示了该地区政治和社会经历的复杂性和丰富性。
拉斐尔-特鲁希略（Rafael Trujillo）在多米尼加共和国的独裁统治从 1930 年到 1961 年持续了 31 年，是拉丁美洲民粹主义的一个极端案例。特鲁希略是一名由美国海军陆战队训练出来的军官，他是一个主导性人物，体现了强烈的独裁主义与民粹主义魅力的混合。1937 年，特鲁希略下令对 1.5 万至 2 万海地人进行大屠杀，这是拉丁美洲历史上最黑暗的事件之一。这一暴行揭示了其政权无法估量的残暴，加剧了仇外心理。尽管犯下了这一危害人类罪，特鲁希略仍设法在多米尼加的某些群体中维持了重要的支持基础。对大众传媒的战略性使用，再加上精心策划的个人崇拜，使这位暴君摇身一变，成为人们心目中强大和具有保护作用的领袖。这位领导人掌握了传播艺术，并因此成功塑造了另一种现实，在这种现实中，他被视为多米尼加民族抵御外部威胁的不屈不挠的保护者，尽管他的记录令人毛骨悚然。特鲁希略的故事凸显了拉丁美洲民粹主义复杂而又往往相互矛盾的细微差别。特鲁希略统治多米尼加长达三十多年，专制主义和民粹主义的魅力交织在一起，助长了他的权力，他的遗产以一场造成数千人丧生的暴行为标志，但由于有效的媒体策略，他仍然是一个有影响力的民粹主义人物。
始于 1929 年的大萧条给全球带来了巨大冲击，拉丁美洲也未能幸免。该地区的国家，尤其是那些以出口经济为根基的国家，受到了沉重打击。与美国和欧洲市场的高度相互依存扩大了金融危机对拉丁美洲经济的影响。对出口产品的需求骤减导致经济迅速严重萎缩。作为该地区许多经济体基石的原材料价格暴跌。经济衰退阻碍了增长，增加了失业，降低了生活水平。数百万人陷入贫困，加剧了现有的社会和经济不平等。大萧条的持久影响远远超出了 20 世纪 30 年代的十年。大萧条不仅扰乱了经济，还引发了政治和社会不满情绪。在这种经济不稳定的背景下，政治意识形态变得激进，为民粹主义和独裁运动的出现创造了条件。富有魅力的领导人利用公众的绝望情绪，许诺改革和经济复苏。拉美经济衰退后的特点是对自由经济模式越来越不信任，更加倾向于国内和保护主义经济政策。各国政府采取措施加强国内经济，有时甚至损害国际贸易关系。
以美国金融危机为根源的大萧条波及全球，拉丁美洲也不例外。美国消费下降对拉美国家造成了沉重打击，因为这些国家的经济严重依赖对北美巨头的出口。对这些出口品需求的减少导致收入下降，对经济造成巨大冲击。拉丁美洲的经济本已岌岌可危，而且主要依赖原材料出口，因此受到重创。商品价格暴跌，加剧了需求减少的影响。出口收入锐减，外国投资枯竭。这种毁灭性的组合导致经济迅速萎缩，动摇了该地区的经济基础。在上一个繁荣时期不断提高的生活水平急剧下降。失业率和贫困率上升，造成了社会紧张，加剧了不平等。人们对金融和政治机构的信心减弱，为不稳定和动荡敞开了大门。这种经济不稳定的回响远远超出了危机年代。政治和社会动荡加剧，经济挑战助长了民众的不满情绪，并引发了激进的改革运动。该地区的政治制度受到考验，在许多情况下，现有政府无法有效应对危机。最终，大萧条给拉丁美洲留下了不可磨灭的印记，重塑了其经济、政治和社会格局。这段动荡时期的后果影响了该地区的历史进程，决定了其对未来危机的反应，并改变了其经济和社会发展的进程。
大萧条标志着拉丁美洲进入了一个经济困难和社会动荡的时期。全球经济危机的影响在日常生活中清晰可见，特别是在该地区的农村地区，大量失业严重影响了这些地区的生活。作为农村经济支柱的农业和采矿业正在衰退。商品价格的下跌和国际需求的减少重创了这些部门，导致成千上万的工人失业。失业浪潮引发了向城市地区的大规模迁移。绝望和焦虑的农村工人涌入城市，希望找到工作和经济庇护所。然而，本身就深陷危机的城市根本没有准备好接纳如此大量的移民。过度拥挤、贫困和就业不足已成为地方病。城市基础设施不足以应对人口的快速增长。棚户区开始在大城市的郊区发展起来，体现了当时的艰苦和贫困。家庭和社区受到沉重打击。大范围的失业破坏了家庭结构的稳定，加剧了日常的生存挑战。生活水平的下降不仅是经济现实，也是社会危机。经济困境加深了收入差距，加剧了不平等，播下了社会动荡的种子。因此，大萧条是巨大社会变革的催化剂。它不仅引发了经济衰退，还带来了深刻的社会变革。这一时期的挑战和斗争在拉丁美洲的社会和经济史上留下了不可磨灭的印记，塑造了此后几十年的社会和政治动态。
大萧条使拉丁美洲陷入了经济和社会的深渊，但这场危机在各国的表现形式却大相径庭。该地区的经济结构、发展水平和社会条件各不相同，因此对危机的经历和反应也多种多样。在贫困程度已经很高的拉丁美洲国家，大萧条的影响加剧了现有的状况。失业和苦难增加了，但在不稳定已经成为常态的情况下，危机带来的社会经济变革可能不像在更繁荣的国家那样突然或明显。相比之下，危机给美国带来了严重而突然的冲击。美国从以快速工业化和经济扩张为标志的空前繁荣时期进入了一个充满苦难、大规模失业和绝望的时代。这种突然的转变使危机更加明显，使大萧条对经济和社会的破坏成为日常生活中无处不在的一部分。在拉丁美洲，面对经济逆境的韧性和对不稳定性的熟悉可能减轻了人们对危机的看法，但并没有减少危机的破坏性影响。经济萎缩、贫困和失业加剧以及社会动荡对该地区产生了深远的影响。每个国家都有其自身的经济和社会特点，在经济萧条的动荡中采取了不同的生存策略，从而形成了一种复杂的拼凑经验和对前所未有的全球危机的反应。
大萧条在拉丁美洲造成了经济危机加剧和社会绝望的气氛，为相当严重的政治不稳定奠定了基础。随着贫困和失业率达到令人震惊的程度，人们对现有政治体制的信心受到侵蚀，为彻底改变治理方式铺平了道路。1930 年至 1935 年间，该地区发生了一系列推翻政府的事件，在和平过渡与暴力政变之间摇摆不定。出口价格的急剧下降和外国投资的萎缩加剧了灾难性的经济状况，激起了广泛的不满情绪。面对饥饿、失业和日益恶化的生活条件，人民群众成为激进和独裁政治运动的沃土。在这种动荡的背景下，威权政治人物应运而生，他们利用民众的混乱情绪，许诺秩序、稳定和经济复苏。这些承诺深深地打动了渴望变革和摆脱日常苦难的民众。民主体制本已脆弱，且往往带有精英主义和腐败的烙印，在危机的重压下屈服了。专制政权和军事政权以力量和决心为幌子，成为颇具吸引力的替代选择。这些政治过渡不仅塑造了大萧条时期拉丁美洲的政治格局，而且还开创了先例，形成了将持续数十年的动力。独裁政权的盛行导致民主准则和人权逐渐受到侵蚀，在该地区未来多年的政治发展中都能看到这个动荡时代的影子。归根结底，大萧条不仅仅是一场经济危机，它还引发了拉丁美洲深刻而持久的政治变革，说明了经济、社会和政治领域之间的深刻联系。
大萧条深刻地改变了美国与拉丁美洲之间的动态关系。由于深陷毁灭性的经济危机，美国再也无法像以前那样施加影响，也无法向拉美国家提供同等水平的财政支持。美国影响力的下降是在 "睦邻 "政策的背景下发生的，"睦邻 "政策是一项外交战略，主张在该地区减少干预。然而，就在美国努力应对其国内挑战的同时，拉丁美洲也被其自身的经济和社会危机旋风所席卷。大规模失业、经济萎缩和社会不安全加剧了本已脆弱的政治结构。在此背景下，缺乏美国的实质性支持加剧了该地区的政治脆弱性。独裁领导人利用公众的不安全感以及民众对稳定和强有力领导的需求，抓住机会上台执政。这些政权往往在美国缺乏重要存在的情况下茁壮成长，"睦邻 "政策虽然在理论上深受喜爱，但在这一关键时期却无力稳定或建设性地影响拉丁美洲的政治轨迹。
经济大萧条给哥伦比亚经济，尤其是作为其支柱产业的咖啡业带来了巨大压力。由于哥伦比亚依赖对美国的咖啡出口，当美国需求崩溃时，哥伦比亚的经济更加脆弱。咖啡种植者本身也感受到了大部分经济影响。他们不得不在价格暴跌和需求下降的艰难经济环境中摸爬滚打。然而，尽管经济不稳定，哥伦比亚还是成功地避免了推翻政府和暴力革命的发生，而在此期间，其他拉美国家也受到了震动。哥伦比亚的政治和社会结构可能在一定程度上抵御了外部冲击，但这并没有减轻经济危机对个人的影响，尤其是对咖啡业的农民和工人。哥伦比亚的咖啡种植区受到了严重打击。收入减少、经济不稳定和贫困加剧等因素共同考验着农村社区。这很可能会对这些地区的长期社会和经济动态产生影响，可能会改变就业模式、耕作方式和社会流动性。哥伦比亚在大萧条期间避免了权力的突然转移，但这并不意味着哥伦比亚没有受到深刻影响。这一时期产生的经济、社会和政治挑战留下了持久的伤痕，并在随后的几十年里帮助塑造了该国的经济和政治格局。哥伦比亚在这一时期的政治韧性可归因于各种复杂的因素，包括政府结构、对危机的政治反应以及社会动态，这些因素可能在一个普遍存在不确定性的时代提供了一定的稳定性。
与世界其他国家一样，大萧条也对哥伦比亚造成了影响，但哥伦比亚还是相对稳定地度过了这一时期。世界咖啡价格下跌对哥伦比亚经济产生了直接影响。作为经济推动力的咖啡种植者的收入减少是一个沉重的打击。然而，哥伦比亚表现出了非凡的复原力。价格下跌导致经济萎缩，但规模小于该地区其他国家。虽然出口量下降了 13%，国民生产总值下降了 2.4%，但并没有像其他拉美国家那样在此期间出现政治和社会动荡。哥伦比亚的相对稳定可归因于几个因素。其中之一可能是其政治和经济制度的结构，这种结构允许一定程度的灵活性和对外部冲击的适应性。另一个关键因素是 1930 年保守党向自由党的历史性权力转移。这一转变是在自由党被边缘化的背景下发生的，保守党主导哥伦比亚政坛长达半个多世纪。保守党内部的分裂为自由党总统的当选铺平了道路。这一政治变革虽然意义重大，但并非政变或革命的结果，而是选举进程的结果。这说明，尽管当时面临着巨大的经济挑战，哥伦比亚仍有能力保持一定程度的政治稳定。这种稳定并不意味着哥伦比亚免于经济困难。咖啡种植者、工人和整个经济都感受到了经济萧条的影响。然而，哥伦比亚处理这场危机的方式，避免了重大的政治动荡，并通过选举进程实现了政治过渡，这反映了哥伦比亚机构的稳健性及其吸收和适应经济和社会冲击的能力。
哥伦比亚在大萧条时期的历史经验是了解经济和政治危机期间潜在动态的宝贵资源。这些历史案例研究为了解复原机制、结构脆弱性以及危机时期政治、经济和社会因素如何相互作用提供了宝贵的见解。例如，哥伦比亚在激烈的经济动荡时期表现出了维持政治稳定的非凡能力。了解促成这种韧性的因素--无论是政治体系结构、经济灵活性、社会凝聚力还是其他因素--可以为面临类似挑战的其他国家提供宝贵的经验。在当前经济全球化和潜在波动的背景下，从大萧条中汲取的经验教训可以为应对未来的危机提供借鉴。例如，这些经验教训有助于确定可加强经济和政治复原力的战略，了解与依赖出口或外国市场相关的风险，以及评估在不确定的经济环境中政治过渡的影响。通过深入分析哥伦比亚等具体实例，政策制定者、经济学家和研究人员可以建立模型和设想方案，预测未来的挑战和机遇。他们还可以努力制定适应性政策和战略，有效渡过经济危机，最大限度地减少社会影响，维护政治稳定。
哥伦比亚经济在大萧条期间的转型说明了经济多样化和权力下放的重要性。分散风险和拥有多个经济参与者可以减轻全球经济冲击的影响。就哥伦比亚而言，向小规模咖啡生产的转变重新分配了与商品价格下跌和世界市场波动相关的风险。风险不再集中在大地主和大公司手中，而是由许多小农户分担。这种分散化带来了一定程度的灵活性。小农户可以根据市场变化迅速调整生产方式，而这种灵活性在大规模农业结构中往往较少。它还有利于更均衡地分配收入和资源，减轻经济不平等，而经济不平等会加剧经济危机对社会的影响。这种情况凸显了经济结构的适应性和多样性的重要性。一个不过分依赖某一特定部门或生产模式的经济体，往往更有能力抵御经济动荡。在当前背景下，这一教训尤为重要，因为世界各经济体相互关联，容易受到从金融危机到大流行病和气候变化等各种冲击的影响。一个经济体在应对新出现的挑战时的适应能力、多样化和发展能力是其长期复原力的关键因素。研究历史上对危机的应对措施，如哥伦比亚在大萧条时期的应对措施，可以为在不确定的未来建设全球和地方经济复原力提供宝贵的启示。
对大萧条时期哥伦比亚咖啡小生产者境况的分析凸显了一个痛苦的现实，这一现实在今天依然适用：在经济危机时期，弱势社区和小生产者往往受到的冲击最大。他们缺乏资金，收入来源单一，因此特别容易受到世界市场波动的影响。就哥伦比亚的具体情况而言，危机揭示了一个明显的两极分化现象。以前的大土地所有者已经实现了收入来源的多样化，现在参与咖啡的购买和出口，他们有资金余地来承受价格下跌带来的冲击。他们与生产没有直接联系，因此可以更容易地渡过危机。然而，对于咖啡小生产者来说，咖啡价格的下跌意味着他们的收入直接减少，没有任何余地来吸收冲击。他们被迫在生产成本高于咖啡销售收入的市场上继续生产，而且往往是亏本生产。这些动态加剧了小农户的经济不稳定性，使他们陷入更深的贫困和债务。这一现实暴露了一个跨越时间和地区的关键问题：在危机时期，需要为小生产者和弱势社区提供强有力的保护制度。社会安全网、以优惠条件获得信贷以及稳定价格的农业政策等机制，可以成为减轻经济危机对最脆弱社区影响的重要手段。哥伦比亚在经济大萧条期间的经验教训强化了这样一个理念，即衡量一个经济体的实力和韧性，不仅要看其整体增长或其精英阶层的财富，还要看其最脆弱成员在面对经济冲击和危机时的保护和韧性。建设一个公平和可持续的社会，需要认真关注经济利益的分配方式，尤其是在危机时期。
采用半自给自足的战略，例如在哥伦比亚大萧条期间观察到的小型咖啡种植者的做法，凸显了社区在面对不利经济条件时的复原力和适应性。通过菜园生产部分自产粮食的能力成为抵御市场波动的缓冲器，在不确定的情况下提供了一种粮食保险。这个例子凸显了一种古老而普遍的做法：在危机时期，家庭往往会回到更加自给自足的生产方式，以确保自己的生存。这不仅减少了他们对往往不稳定的市场的依赖，也给家庭的日常生活带来了一定程度的稳定。自给自足的好处还在于，家庭可以将原本用于购买食物的钱节省下来，从而减轻对有限财政资源的压力。然而，这一解决方案并非没有挑战。虽然它在短期内提供了一定程度的复原力，但从长远来看，半自给自足往往是不可持续的。它无法完全弥补咖啡等出口产品价格下跌造成的收入损失。更重要的是，它无法解决结构性挑战，如不平等、土地集中或贸易壁垒。这里有两方面的教训。首先，它认识到当地支持系统和社区复原力的重要性。这些机制往往是抵御经济危机的第一道防线。但另一方面，它也强调了更广泛的系统性解决方案的必要性。虽然家庭可以调整自己的行为以应对暂时的冲击，但还需要更广泛的干预措施，如价格稳定政策、获得信贷和收入支持计划，以解决经济不稳定的根本原因并提供持久安全。
阿方索-洛佩斯-普马雷霍，哥伦比亚共和国总统，1934-1938 年，1942-1946 年。
尽管面临巨大的经济挑战，哥伦比亚在经济大萧条期间仍保持了相对稳定的政治局势，这一点值得深入分析。1930 年，保守党向自由党和平移交权力，这表明当时的哥伦比亚政治体制达到了成熟和灵活的程度。保守党的内部分裂为政治变革打开了大门，但权力交接本身并没有出现经济危机时期常见的暴力或动荡。这表明，制度和社会机制的存在使得面对内部和外部压力时能够有一定程度的适应性。其中一个关键因素可能是没有发生大规模的军事动乱或叛乱。在此期间，其他拉美国家发生了政变和政治冲突，而哥伦比亚却以相对的政治连续性渡过了危机。这可以归因于多种因素，其中可能包括更健全的机构、不那么军国主义的政治文化，或者不那么明显的社会和政治分歧。哥伦比亚在大萧条时期的情况提供了一个具有启发性的例子，说明不同的国家如何受其独特的政治、社会和制度背景的影响，以不同的方式应对全球经济危机。对这一特殊案例的进一步研究可为理解经济压力时期的政治复原力提供宝贵的见解。
阿方索-洛佩斯-普马雷霍在 20 世纪 30 年代和 40 年代担任哥伦比亚总统，在大萧条期间和之后的国家政治和社会转型中发挥了重要作用。当时，哥伦比亚面临着巨大的经济和社会挑战，洛佩斯的改革对于稳定和重塑哥伦比亚社会至关重要。在洛佩斯担任总统期间，哥伦比亚推行了 "前进中的革命"，这是一系列旨在改变国家社会经济结构的渐进式改革。这一计划的核心是减少因大萧条而加剧的社会不平等的战略。洛佩斯力图实现哥伦比亚经济的现代化，扩大公民权利并改善教育。实行男性普选是哥伦比亚政治民主化的重要一步。通过扩大选举权，洛佩斯不仅加强了政治制度的合法性，还让以前被边缘化的人群有了发言权。在他担任总统期间推出的教育计划也是解决该国社会经济问题的关键因素。通过投资教育，洛佩斯旨在提高社会流动性，培养更多熟练劳动力，这对经济现代化至关重要。同样，工会化和承认土著社区也有助于减少不平等，促进社会和经济权利。工会为工人提供了一个集体谈判的机制，以争取更公平的工资和工作条件，而承认土著社区的权利则有助于纠正历史上的不公正现象。
1934 年，阿方索-洛佩斯-普马雷霍当选，哥伦比亚进入了一个重大变革的时代，其特点是推行了一系列渐进式改革，这些改革被概括为 "前进中的革命 "计划。该计划受到墨西哥革命的启发，反映了在大萧条挑战加剧之后，人们对社会正义和经济复苏的日益渴望。洛佩斯发起的宪法改革本身并不激进，但它为更大程度地致力于社会包容和经济公平奠定了基础。他对宪法进行了修改，使哥伦比亚的政治和社会制度更具包容性，更能满足普通公民的需求，摆脱了以往国家治理的僵化结构。男性普选权的引入是决定性的一步。它标志着向更具参与性的民主过渡，在这一过渡中，政治权利扩大到了更广泛的人口群体。这一改革鼓励了更多样化的政治代表，有助于促进公共辩论和公民参与。教育和工会改革也是核心内容。洛佩斯认识到，教育是社会和经济改善的重要载体。扩大受教育机会的举措旨在让民众掌握全面参与现代经济所需的技能和知识。与此同时，洛佩斯还推动成立工会，为工人提供了捍卫自身权利、改善工作和生活条件的途径。洛佩斯并没有忽视哥伦比亚社会中经常被边缘化的土著社区。虽然力度不大，但为承认和尊重他们的权利而采取的措施表明了将这些社区纳入国家更广泛的社会和经济结构的愿望。
洛佩斯领导的 "运动中的革命 "是对哥伦比亚大萧条引发的深刻经济和社会挑战的重大回应。在贫困、不平等和失业问题日益严重的情况下，洛佩斯改革社会和经济的努力是扭转国家局面的一次大胆尝试。洛佩斯的改革虽然被认为是有限的，但却象征着哥伦比亚政治和社会方针的结构性转变。这些改革体现了为人民大众的福祉创造更加人性化的政治和社会空间的努力。贫穷和不平等这些长期存在的挑战被摆在了突出位置，引发了一个虽然是渐进的，但标志着与以往政策截然不同的变革进程。男性普选权的引入、教育和工会的推广以及对土著社区的进一步认可，都是这一渐进变革的具体体现。每一项举措，每一项改革，都是一个国家在瞬息万变、难以预测的世界中寻求重新认识和重建自己的一条主线。洛佩兹力求建设一个机会不局限于精英阶层，而是让最大多数人都能享有的国家。经济差距、社会差距和进步障碍不仅是物质上的障碍，也是心理上的障碍，是国家归属感和集体认同感的障碍。进步革命 "的雄心壮志不仅仅是一系列政策和改革。它是一种觉醒，一种行动的号召，至今仍在哥伦比亚的历史中回响。它证明了哥伦比亚在逆境中的韧性，也证明了人们对公正、平衡和公平社会永无止境的渴望。大萧条暴露了国家经济和社会结构的裂缝，洛佩斯的应对措施尽管有限，却带来了一线希望。它肯定了进步是可能的，变革是可以实现的，国家尽管面临挑战和不确定性，但有能力在不懈追求公正和公平的过程中进行自我调整、变革和更新。
1938 年，洛佩兹建立的变革和希望的势头被残酷地打断了。一场军事政变，就像一场临时起意的风暴，将 "进步革命 "开始勾勒的充满希望的地平线一扫而空。洛佩斯被赶下了台，随他而去的是国家的愿景，即改革以及对社会和经济进步的渴望成为国家议程的核心。极右翼军事政权的上台标志着镇压和专制主义阴影的重现。反对的声音被压制，变革的愿望被扼杀，工会--工人团结和社会进步的堡垒--被迫陷入沉默和无能。该政权竖起了不容忍和镇压的高墙，无情地逆转和抹杀了在洛佩兹统治下取得的成果。专制主义的突然转向熄灭了进步改革的火焰，使哥伦比亚陷入了黑暗镇压的时代。曾经带来希望和变革的 "运动中的革命 "成为遥远的记忆，成为哥伦比亚政治天空中的一颗流星，被军事独裁的黑暗光芒所掩盖。这是一个希望消逝、恐惧和恐吓盛行的时代。社会和政治进步不仅停滞不前，而且出现倒退，就像一艘曾经勇往直前的航船，如今却陷入困境，无法摆脱专制主义的枷锁。在这一点上，哥伦比亚的历史变成了一个失去机会和无法实现梦想的故事。革命在前进 "的回声仍在响起，凄厉地提醒人们，本来可以实现的目标却被军事干预粗暴地打断了。哥伦比亚历史上的这一插曲说明，在一个充满动荡和不可预测的政治力量的世界中，进步是脆弱的，民主是不稳定的。
阿方索-洛佩斯的统治是哥伦比亚历史上模棱两可的一章。一方面，他的自由政策吸引了城市居民和工人阶级的支持，标志着一个乐观主义和进步改革的时代。然而，另一方面，他在治理方面的一个关键缺陷是忽视了农村地区，那里生活着被遗忘和边缘化的小规模咖啡种植者。他们的生存方式是无休止的自我剥削和辛勤劳作，但不幸的是，这并没有改善他们的生活条件。洛佩斯时代，虽然城市的改革之光照亮了乡村，但乡村却被蒙在鼓里，这一疏忽造成了悲剧性的后果。暴力 "不是从真空中产生的，而是从挫折、苦难和忽视的积累中产生的。第二次世界大战震撼全球，哥伦比亚也被卷入了自己的内部风暴，一场残酷的毁灭性冲突。超过 25 万农民丧生，农村人口大规模外流加剧了这场人间悲剧。哥伦比亚的城市曾经是洛佩斯统治下的进步堡垒，如今却成为大量农村难民涌入的场所，每一个人都有一个关于损失和苦难的故事。洛佩斯时代的两面性一览无余--希望与忽视并存的时期，播下了冲突的种子，这将在哥伦比亚历史上留下深刻的印记。暴力 "反映了这些绝望和不公正的种子没有得到及时处理，它严酷地提醒人们，城市中心的繁荣和改革无法掩盖农村地区的荒芜和苦难。这是一个痛苦的篇章，在这里，被忽视的声音在暴力的爆炸中崛起，哥伦比亚被迫面对自由时代遗漏的阴影，这场对抗揭示了疏忽和忽视给人类带来的毁灭性代价。
20 世纪，古巴经历了一场引人注目的政治、经济和社会变革。这个加勒比岛国沐浴在蔗糖生产带来的财富中，发现自己的经济以及政治命运与北方强国美国密不可分。在此期间，超过 80% 的古巴蔗糖被运往美国海岸。这种经济上的依赖性反映了一个两极分化的现实--富裕的精英阶层沐浴在奢华的财富之中，而大多数工人则饱尝贫穷和不平等的苦果。1959 年将作为革命复兴的曙光载入古巴史册。菲德尔-卡斯特罗这个名字将响彻千古，他是反对富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔（Fulgencio Batista）政权的成功起义的代言人，巴蒂斯塔的统治打上了美国利益的烙印。在卡斯特罗的统治下，社会主义革命生根发芽。曾经是美国经济霸权象征的大片蔗糖种植园被收归国有。一场影响深远的土地改革展开了，为疲惫不堪、被边缘化的农村工人带来了一股新鲜空气。然而，革命并非没有国际影响。与美国的关系降温，陷入了不信任和敌对的深渊。贸易禁运开始实施，这堵经济之墙将留下永久的伤痕。1961 年，美国入侵猪湾，企图推翻卡斯特罗，但以失败告终，标志着地缘政治紧张局势达到了沸点。然而，尽管经历了政治和经济风暴，古巴革命一直是社会进步的灯塔。教育、医疗保健和社会平等正在崛起，成为曾经被不平等和压迫所笼罩的天空中闪亮的星星。几十年来，古巴一直是社会主义的堡垒。在这个国家，1959 年革命的回声仍在回荡，这证明了一个在经济依赖的枷锁与对主权和平等的渴望之间挣扎的民族的韧性和变革。
深陷古巴土地的不平等和贫困引发了社会和政治动荡，证明了古巴人民渴望正义和公平的躁动。1933 年，富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔率领军队发动叛乱，策划了一场政变，一举推翻了当权政府。巴蒂斯塔的独裁统治开创了一个控制和专制的时代，这一统治一直持续到 1959 年的标志性革命。在这场革命中，菲德尔-卡斯特罗和 "7-26 "运动在变革之风和对自由的渴望的推动下揭竿而起，这场起义将载入史册。独裁政权的核心人物巴蒂斯塔被推翻，标志着一个时代的结束和一个新时代的开始。在卡斯特罗的旗帜下，古巴出现了社会主义国家，这是古巴政治和经济格局的转折点。这场革命不仅仅是推翻了一个独裁者，它还孕育了社会和经济转型的种子。革命的回声回荡在古巴的权力走廊和大街小巷。曾经是古巴经济巨头的美国公司被国有化。社会和经济改革浪潮席卷全国，旨在消除根深蒂固的不平等，提高古巴人民的生活水平。革命之后，一个焕然一新的国家出现了。不平等和压迫虽然依然存在，但现在正受到变革之风的挑战，一个以社会主义、对公平的渴望和对社会正义的不懈追求为标志的古巴历史新时代正在形成。
曾经繁荣富庶的古巴制糖业在 1929 年至 1933 年间陷入混乱和荒芜，成为被称为 "大萧条 "的巨大经济灾难的牺牲品。蔗糖味道甜美，但对经济的影响却是苦涩的，其价格暴跌了 60% 以上，这种断崖式的下跌为过去的繁荣敲响了丧钟。出口曾经是古巴经济的支柱，如今却急剧下降，跌幅超过 80%，同时也带走了整个国家的希望和愿望。在种植园和甘蔗地里，曾经是繁荣主宰的大地主们已经陷入绝境。面对日益恶化的市场，他们削减了产量，并将农场工资降低了 75%。这是一种绝望和迫不得已的行为，在岛上的每个角落都引起了共鸣。来自海地和牙买加的季节性工人曾是制糖业顺利运转的关键，但现在却被大批解雇。那些曾经在古巴的阳光下找到一席之地的人被迫离开。数百家曾经是当地经济堡垒的小工厂和小商店宣告破产，大门紧闭，希望破灭。连锁反应是毁灭性的。1933 年，四分之一的劳动人口陷入了失业的深渊，这是一个凄凉的现实。60%的人生活在最低生活保障线以下，每天都要面对贫穷和匮乏的残酷现实。古巴，这个曾经沐浴在阳光和繁荣中的岛国，如今却陷入了经济荒芜的黑暗怀抱，不知不觉成为了席卷全球的大萧条的受害者，它带走了这个曾经繁荣昌盛的国家的希望、梦想和抱负。
随着总统任期的延长，马查多变成了一个独裁统治者。大萧条残酷地控制着古巴经济，加剧了社会和经济紧张局势，马查多的政府风格也变得越来越专制。作为古巴经济支柱的制糖业在价格和需求下降的重压下逐渐萎缩，马查多发现自己面临着越来越多的反对意见。他在启动基础设施项目和推行改革时享有的声望烟消云散，取而代之的是不满和抗议。马查多曾因其民族主义和自由主义政策而备受赞誉，但他却以镇压来回应这种抗议。公民自由受到侵蚀，政治反对派被钳制，政治暴力司空见惯。马查多的任期开始时曾许诺一个进步和现代化的时代，但后来却被专制和镇压蒙上了阴影。曾经是他领导力标志的基础设施项目逐渐消失在社会和政治不公正的阴影中。在他的领导下，古巴民族最初充满希望和乐观，但后来却陷入了绝望和镇压。全球经济危机也助长了马查多向独裁统治的过渡。随着经济衰退和国家收入减少，他加强行政权力的努力也加速了。他的政府因腐败、新闻检查和使用军事力量镇压示威游行和反对派运动而臭名昭著。赫拉尔多-马查多的总统任期成为了专制统治和压制性治理的代名词，其特点是公民和政治自由急剧下降。他的任期一度充满希望和承诺，但后来却陷入压迫和暴政，凸显了新生民主政体在经济和社会危机面前的脆弱性。马查多曾经是进步的象征，如今却成了独裁危险的阴暗警告，成为古巴政治和社会历史上黑暗的一章。
马查多转变为独裁领导人的同时，古巴的经济状况也在恶化，大萧条更是雪上加霜。公众的不满情绪本已因腐败猖獗和权力集中而加剧，又因贫困、失业和经济不稳定的恶化而加剧。在这种紧张局势下，马查多选择了铁腕手段，加剧了民众的不信任和不满。反对其政权的示威活动成倍增加，而政府的粗暴回应则造成了抗议和镇压的循环。马查多的镇压行动反过来又激发了反对派的斗志，导致抗议团体日益激进化。在马查多统治下，公民自由和人权受到侵蚀，这不仅使其政权在国内孤立无援，在国际上也是如此。他的行为引起了外国政府、国际组织和全球媒体的关注和批评，加剧了当前的政治危机。不信任、恐惧和镇压的气氛导致暴力和不稳定升级，给古巴社会带来了破坏性后果。在马查多的初步改革下，这个国家一度充满希望，但现在却陷入了抗议、镇压和政治危机的旋涡。
1933 年，马查多辞职，古巴大部分民众欢呼这是反对专制和镇压的胜利。然而，面对持续的挑战和政治动荡，最初的欣慰很快就烟消云散了。马查多留下的权力真空导致了一段时期的不稳定，各种政治和军事行为体为争夺对国家的控制权而大打出手。经济形势依然岌岌可危。大萧条留下了深深的伤痕，民众面临失业、贫困和经济不确定性。尽管马查多离开了古巴，但古巴经济面临的结构性挑战仍未解决，古巴经济主要依赖蔗糖，易受世界市场波动的影响。在这种动荡的背景下，公众对彻底变革和改善生活条件的期望与经济和政治限制的严酷现实不期而遇。改革迫在眉睫，但政治两极分化、利益冲突和外国干涉阻碍了改革的实施。尤其是美国，继续在古巴政治中发挥着有影响力的作用。尽管美国因支持马查多而受到批评，但其经济和政治影响力仍是决定性因素。古巴对美国投资和美国市场的依赖使实现独立和主权改革的努力复杂化。因此，马查多留下的遗产是复杂的。虽然他发起了现代化和发展项目，但他转向独裁和镇压的做法导致了与古巴人民之间信任的破裂。他的离去开创了一个新的政治时代，但马查多时代的结构、社会和经济问题仍在继续，这与此后几十年古巴政治和社会所面临的挑战和紧张局势如出一辙。
大萧条造成的经济困境加剧了民众对马查多总统任期的不满。随着糖价崩溃和失业率上升，马查多的应对措施被认为是不够的，甚至是压制性的。他镇压示威游行、加强对媒体的控制和实行新闻检查，加剧了局势的恶化，助长了民众的挫败感和不信任。不信任和对立的气氛为激进运动的发展提供了肥沃的土壤。共产主义者、社会主义者和无政府主义者利用普遍的不满情绪推进各自的意识形态，从而赢得了地盘。他们的行动往往以激进主义为特征，有时甚至使用暴力，给古巴动荡的政治局面增添了一层复杂性。这些运动各有各的意识形态和策略，但都因共同反对马查多的独裁统治而团结在一起。他们呼吁进行意义深远的政治、经济和社会改革，以改善工人阶级和边缘化阶层的生活。在经济大萧条导致经济不平等和社会困境加剧的背景下，这些呼吁尤其引起了共鸣。日益增长的社会不满情绪导致了反对行动的升级。罢工成倍增加，使主要经济部门陷入瘫痪。示威游行愈演愈烈，规模越来越大，强度越来越高。破坏和暴力行动日益成为表达反对意见和挑战马查多权威的常用手段。在此背景下，马查多的地位变得更加脆弱。他无力平息公众的不满情绪、进行有意义的改革和充分应对经济危机，这削弱了他的合法性。镇压和独裁措施只能成功地激发反对派的力量，使其政权成为不稳定和冲突的温床。马查多时代是专制主义、经济危机和政治激进化之间复杂动态的一个明显例子。它为古巴历史上的动荡时期埋下了伏笔，这段时期的特点是权力斗争、不稳定以及不断寻求权力、自由和社会正义之间的平衡。
这种压迫和反叛的螺旋式上升标志着古巴历史上黑暗的一章。马查多政权深陷因大萧条而加剧的经济危机，面对越来越多的反对派，不得不采取残酷镇压的手段来保住政权。国家暴力以及侵犯公民权利和政治权利的行为司空见惯。每一次镇压都助长了公民之间的不信任和愤怒，加剧了不稳定。基本人权经常遭到践踏。政治反对派、活动家甚至普通公民都可能遭受暴力、任意拘留和其他形式的恐吓和镇压。言论、集会和其他公民自由受到严格限制，恐惧和不信任的气氛更加浓厚。与此同时，反对派变得更加有组织和坚定。激进团体和抵抗运动的力量不断壮大，民众的支持也在不断增加，这一切都源于人们对政权暴行和持续经济困难的普遍愤慨。警察与示威者之间的冲突时有发生，而且经常是暴力冲突，使古巴部分地区变成了冲突地区。古巴的国际关系也受到了影响。马查多的行动引起了国际社会的关注和批评。邻国、国际组织和世界大国关切地注视着事态的发展，意识到对地区稳定和国际关系的潜在影响。马查多时代已成为镇压、侵犯人权和不稳定的代名词。它警示人们在管理深刻的经济和政治危机时所固有的复杂性和挑战，以及不受约束的独裁统治的潜在危险。那段时期的回声在至今仍影响着古巴和该地区的各种挑战和问题中回响。
马查多的流亡标志着古巴政治危机中一个戏剧性的重大转折点。然而，他的离开并没有平息民众的骚乱，也没有解决引发叛乱的根深蒂固的结构性问题。古巴人民厌倦了专制和镇压，正在为争取社会正义、民主和经济改革而深入斗争。导致马查多流亡的大罢工反映了民众集体行动的潜在力量。这是深刻而广泛的不满情绪的体现，也是对马查多政权多年来的压迫、腐败和管理不善的回应。古巴人民已经到了忍无可忍的地步，而大罢工正是这种忍无可忍的具体表现。美国的干预虽然没有成功，但凸显了美国在该地区，特别是在古巴的影响和作用。数十年的干预、对独裁政权的支持以及地缘政治的操纵，塑造了古巴与美国之间复杂且经常冲突的关系。马查多的流亡不仅没有解决危机，反而留下了权力真空和严重的不确定性。古巴的政治和经济未来问题仍然没有答案。谁将填补马查多下台后留下的真空？需要进行哪些改革才能满足古巴人民深刻的社会和经济需求？与美国的关系又将如何在这场政治动荡中发展？马查多流亡后的几天和几周内，古巴局势持续动荡不安。权力斗争、未得到满足的社会和政治要求以及外国干预将在未来几年继续影响古巴的格局，最终导致 1959 年古巴革命和菲德尔-卡斯特罗的崛起。古巴历史上的这段动荡时期为我们提供了宝贵的视角，让我们了解一个处于危机中的国家的权力、抵抗和国际干预的复杂动态。
专制政权的垮台往往会留下权力和治理真空，导致不稳定，有时甚至是混乱。这就是 1933 年马查多流亡后古巴发生的情况。一个由各种政治和民间社会团体组成的异质联盟出现了，试图填补这一真空并治理国家。然而，由于缺乏强有力的领导或统一的政治愿景，该联盟难以建立稳定的秩序，也难以满足古巴人民多样而复杂的愿望。随之而来的无政府状态证明了一个国家在多年专制统治后试图重建所面临的挑战。旧的权力结构已经丧失信誉，但新的权力结构尚未建立。政治派别、利益集团和普通公民都在为确定国家的未来而斗争。在古巴，这场斗争表现为暴力和不稳定的加剧。民兵和武装团体走上街头，在日益分裂的政治格局中争夺控制权和影响力。执政联盟虽然代表了古巴社会的广泛阶层，但却未能恢复秩序，也未能为国家的未来提出清晰而一致的愿景。这一时期的政治和社会动荡对古巴产生了持久的影响。它凸显了从独裁统治向更加民主和包容的治理过渡所固有的挑战。它也为新形式的领导和治理的出现铺平了道路，并帮助塑造了古巴未来几十年的政治格局。在危机和不确定性的背景下，古巴人在极端困难的条件下所表现出的韧性、适应性和能力显而易见。在未来的岁月里，随着古巴继续转型并适应新的挑战和机遇，这些特质将至关重要。这一过渡的复杂性有力地提醒我们，任何重大的政治变革都存在固有的挑战，需要有一个清晰、一致的愿景来引导一个国家走向更加稳定和繁荣的未来。
1938 年，富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔（Fulgencio Batista）在华盛顿特区。
古巴历史上的后马查多时期通常被描述为一个混乱、困惑和彻底变革的时期。马查多的离开虽然让许多人松了一口气，但并没有立即解决古巴深刻的政治、经济和社会分歧。恰恰相反，它为各种被抑制的力量、相互冲突的意识形态以及长期被压抑的正义和公平诉求的爆发打开了大门。马查多政权的垮台使国家进入了一个相对无政府的时期。积聚的愤怒和挫折感以骚乱、罢工和其他公开表达不满的形式爆发出来。权力真空创造了一个空间，从社会主义者到民族主义者和其他政治派别的各种团体都试图将他们对古巴未来的愿景强加于人。在这些群体中，蔗糖种植园工人扮演着至关重要的角色。多年来，他们的工作条件岌岌可危，并面临着剥削，因此他们奋起控制了种植园。这与其说是有组织地采用社会主义或布尔什维主义，不如说是对多年压迫的自发和绝望的回应。这些工人（其中许多人受到社会主义和共产主义意识形态的启发和鼓舞）试图建立社会主义式的集体。他们的目标是结束资本主义剥削，建立工人控制生产和公平分享利润的制度。制糖业的这场革命反映了古巴社会更广泛的紧张局势，凸显了长期存在的深刻的经济和社会不平等。在马查多统治古巴之后，古巴正努力进行重建，面临着根本性的挑战。如何协调对正义、公平和自由的不同需求？如何改造长期以来被专制、剥削和不平等所定义的经济和社会？这些问题将决定后马查多时代的古巴，并为未来争夺国家核心和灵魂的斗争奠定基础。在这一动荡的背景下，一个寻找自身身份和未来的国家的形象开始浮现。
1933 年，富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔（Fulgencio Batista）中士领导的军事动乱是古巴不稳定局势不断升级的另一个关键因素。当时，古巴已经被社会和经济冲突压得喘不过气来，巴蒂斯塔的干预为政治格局注入了新的复杂性和暴力色彩。兵变加剧了现有的社会动荡，助长了日益难以预测的动荡环境。巴蒂斯塔的崛起迅速而果断。这位名不见经传的中士突然一跃成为古巴政治舞台的中心人物。他的崛起说明了当时古巴政治的四分五裂和动荡不安。在一个分裂严重、缺乏稳定领导层的国家，巴蒂斯塔这样大胆而投机的人物能够利用混乱局面。巴蒂斯塔巧妙地利用军事力量和影响力确立了自己的优势地位。他在 1952 年发动的政变是古巴政治危机不断加深的表现。这不是一个孤立的事件，而是多年积累的紧张局势、不满情绪以及缺乏稳定可靠的政治体制的结果。在巴蒂斯塔的统治下，古巴进入了动荡历史的新阶段。巴蒂斯塔独裁统治的特点是镇压、腐败和与美国利益紧密结合。虽然他成功地实现了一定程度的稳定，但这是以牺牲公民自由和社会正义为代价的。古巴历史的这一篇章凸显了政治过渡的复杂性和不稳定性。巴蒂斯塔曾经是一名叛变的中士，后来成为独裁者，在许多方面为 1959 年的古巴革命奠定了基础。
巴蒂斯塔发动的政变得到了大量平民的支持，标志着古巴进入了一个剧烈动荡和变革的时期。起义虽然起源于军事行动，但却得到了不满的平民的广泛支持。他们将起义视为进行意义深远的社会和政治变革的机会，这反映了民众的强烈不满和对变革的渴望。政变后的百日政府是一个快速且往往是激进变革的时期。在 "让古巴回归古巴 "的思想指导下，这个短暂的政府试图拆除继承下来的权力结构，推行意义深远的改革。公众目睹了古巴为摆脱外国影响、解决根深蒂固的结构性问题所做的坚定努力。所设想的改革雄心勃勃，重点关注社会不平等、贫困和政治压迫等问题。这一历史性时刻凸显了古巴人民对变革的深切渴望，几十年的专制统治和经济剥削加剧了这种渴望。尽管百日政府的初衷是进步的，但其内在的不稳定性却使其备受煎熬。彻底变革的进程面临着内部和外部的双重挑战，显示了在社会和政治动荡背景下政治改革的复杂性。古巴历史上的这一时期让人对革命变革的动态有了深刻的了解。虽然时间短暂，但百日政府提出了有关主权、正义和民主的根本问题，这些问题将在未来几十年继续影响古巴的命运。事实证明，它是更长时期革命变革的先驱和催化剂，最终导致菲德尔-卡斯特罗的崛起和 1959 年巴蒂斯塔政权的最终被推翻。
古巴短命的革命政府发现自己受到了来自四面八方的围攻。当它试图推行影响深远的改革时，却遭到了强大利益集团的顽强抵抗。尤其是军队，它成为了一个可怕的对手，标志着军队在古巴政治中的影响力和权力的持续性。彻底改造国家的尝试被迫停止，军事独裁政权再次掌权。这一转变标志着专制、压制政治自由和权力集中的回归。在一个似乎决心维持现状的政权面前，古巴人民的革命愿望逐渐消失。这种长期的政治不稳定以及与之相伴的暴力成为那个时代的普遍特征。古巴人民尝到了政治和社会变革的希望，却发现自己面对的是僵硬和独裁军事统治的严酷现实。社会公正、平等和民主的梦想被搁置，等待着另一个实现的机会。然而，变革的愿望虽然受到压制，却并未被根除。革命的能量和愿望蛰伏在地表之下，随时准备重新崛起。在军事独裁统治下，不平等、镇压和不公正等结构性问题仍在继续，助长了潜在的不满情绪，这种不满情绪最终将在几十年后爆发。古巴历史上这一动荡时期的关键教训在于革命精神的顽强不屈。虽然受到限制和压制，但古巴人民对政治和社会变革的渴望依然鲜活有力，这证明了古巴人民的韧性和决心。这些年发生的政治和社会传奇是更广泛的历史转折点的前提，而这一转折点最终将体现为菲德尔-卡斯特罗领导下的 1959 年古巴革命。
古巴百日革命政府的特点是大力推行激进的社会和经济改革。这些措施虽然实施时间不长，但对古巴的社会结构产生了持久的影响。其中最引人注目的举措之一是给予妇女普选权。这一具有象征意义的改革标志着古巴公民权利演变的一个决定性阶段。妇女第一次能够积极参与政治进程，她们在社会中的平等地位得到承认。这不仅仅是一个象征性的进步，而是对长期以来主导古巴政治的规范和价值观的重大改革。妇女参与公共生活有望丰富民主话语，营造一个更具包容性和更加平衡的环境。尽管革命政府成立时间不长，但它为变革注入了动力。将妇女纳入选举进程是一个重要的里程碑，表明即使面对不稳定和动荡，古巴也有能力发展和变革。尽管未来仍然充满挑战和障碍，专制和镇压的幽灵尚未完全消除，但革命政府这 100 天的遗产将永远铭刻在人们的集体记忆中。它无可辩驳地证明了改革和复兴的可能性，提醒人们古巴具有重塑自我、迈向更加公正和公平的社会的内在潜力。尽管妇女的选举权是在政治动荡的背景下推出的，但它象征着反对压迫和不平等的胜利。它表明，在古巴历史的动荡年代，人们对社会公正的渴望始终如一。这一章虽然短暂，却为古巴丰富而复杂的历史画卷做出了不可磨灭的贡献。
古巴百日革命政府不仅在公民权利方面取得了重大进展，还在教育和劳工等关键领域启动了实质性改革。在这一时期，尽管革命年代短暂，但结构变革的愿望已转化为具体行动，长期被压抑的愿望找到了蓬勃发展的空间。在教育领域，赋予大学的自主权具有革命性意义。这一变革不仅重申了学术的独立性，而且还促进了知识和文化的繁荣。教育变得更加普及，不再受专制主义和官僚主义的束缚，从而能够发展成为创新思想和社会进步的熔炉。此外，扩大工人的权利，特别是那些在艰苦条件下工作的工人，如甘蔗砍伐者的权利，是纠正根深蒂固的不公正现象的一种尝试。实行最低工资、带薪休假和改善工作条件并不仅仅是让步，而是承认工人在国家经济和社会结构中的重要作用和尊严。这些改革虽然是在剧烈动荡的背景下启动的，但却照亮了社会和经济转型的可能性。它们证明了国家有能力克服历史挑战，努力实现公正和公平的理想。从赋予教育机构权力到保障工人权利，所采取的每一步都强化了复兴精神。虽然革命政府昙花一现，但这些改革的势头所注入的能量在随后的岁月里持续回荡，这是对一个正在寻找自身定位和通往正义与繁荣之路的国家进步和变革可能性的持续回响。
革命政府发起的土地改革是一次大胆的尝试，旨在重新平衡这个土地差距巨大的国家的资源分配。在一个以经济不平等和权力集中为特征的古巴，这一改革象征着农村农民对正义和公平的希望，他们往往被边缘化，代表权不足。土地改革的核心挑战是打破不公平的土地结构，开创一个无障碍和共同拥有的时代。每重新分配一公顷土地，每让以前被排斥在外的农民获得一块土地，都是对未来的承诺，在这样的未来，财富和机会不再是狭隘精英的专利。然而，在不稳定的政治气候下实施如此雄心勃勃的改革，其内在的复杂性不容低估。每向前迈出一步都会遇到障碍，每一次激进的变革都会遭到根深蒂固的利益集团的抵制，而政治上的动荡往往会影响改革的连续性和实施。因此，尽管这些改革给人们带来了希望和乐观，但它们都是短暂的。随后多年的不稳定侵蚀了已取得的大部分进展，凸显了在缺乏政治和体制稳定的情况下改革的不稳定性。这些改革虽然不完美，也是暂时的，但却留下了不可磨灭的遗产。它们有力地提醒人们，国家有潜力追求公平和正义，同时也凸显了在实现这些崇高理想的道路上长期存在的挑战。
百日革命政府处境微妙。它的改革是解决困扰古巴社会的系统性不平等问题的必要努力。然而，由于推行的改革被一部分人认为是激进的，而另一部分人则认为是不充分的，政府发现自己陷入了相互矛盾的期望和政治压力之中。右翼和极右翼团体将这些改革视为对其既有利益的威胁。土地改革、妇女普选和改善工作条件被视为对巩固的权力结构和财富的直接挑战。对他们来说，每一次进步的变革都象征着他们对经济和社会权力控制的削弱，从而激起了激烈的反抗。另一方面，对于马克思主义左派来说，改革不足以应对根深蒂固的不平等和社会不公。贫困、不平等和政治压迫要求采取大胆而实质性的措施。左派呼吁对经济和政治体制进行更深刻的变革--一场超越改革的大变革，从根本上解决社会和经济差距问题。
美国政府的外部反对加剧了古巴本已紧张的局势。作为世界大国和古巴的近邻，美国在古巴和该地区拥有巨大的经济和战略利益。古巴革命政府发起的改革虽然旨在纠正国内不平等和促进社会公正，但在华盛顿却遭到怀疑。在富兰克林-D-罗斯福总统的领导下，美国致力于 "睦邻友好 "政策，主张尊重拉美国家的主权。但在实践中，华盛顿往往倾向于干预该地区国家的事务，以保护其经济和政治利益。人们对左翼和社会主义意识形态的兴起及其通过实质性改革的实施深表怀疑。因此，古巴革命政府的处境岌岌可危。在国内，它遭到社会各界的反对。在国外，它面临着美国的反对和不信任，而美国有能力对古巴的事态发展产生重大影响。革命政府的垮台和军事独裁的恢复可以在这些综合压力的背景下得到理解。雄心勃勃的改革未能在国内和国际上赢得足够的支持，以确保其实施和可持续性。古巴随后又陷入了另一个独裁时期，这说明当时的政治格局复杂多变，在利益冲突和地缘政治压力的环境中实现渐进式变革十分困难。
美国在当时的古巴政治事件中发挥了有影响力的作用，尽管这种作用并不那么直接。美国的干预不是军事干预，而是采取外交和政治操纵的形式，促进了富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔的上台。曾参与推翻赫拉尔多-马查多的军官富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔是美国的政治盟友。美国担心其在古巴的经济和政治利益，将巴蒂斯塔视为能够稳定古巴政局、保护美国利益的潜在盟友。巴蒂斯塔是在内乱和政治变革的背景下上台的，他建立了一个专制政权，镇压反对派，巩固政权。尽管巴蒂斯塔是个独裁者，但美国仍然支持他，因为美国认为他是防止动荡和共产主义的堡垒。这凸显了美国与拉美关系的复杂性，在拉美，地缘政治和经济关切往往优先于民主原则和人权。美国对巴蒂斯塔的支持产生了长期影响，最终导致了菲德尔-卡斯特罗领导的1959年古巴革命，并在随后的几十年里导致古巴与美国的关系明显恶化。
巴蒂斯塔统治时期的特点是政治压迫、新闻检查和腐败。由于美国在古巴的经济和战略利益，美国的支持是巴蒂斯塔继续执政的关键。然而，他的独裁统治和普遍腐败激起了古巴人民的普遍不满。正是在这种不满情绪的背景下，菲德尔-卡斯特罗和他的革命运动获得了民众的支持。卡斯特罗与切-格瓦拉等其他著名革命人物一起，精心组织了一场反对巴蒂斯塔政权的游击战争。经过几年的斗争，革命者于 1959 年 1 月 1 日成功推翻了巴蒂斯塔。卡斯特罗的胜利标志着古巴社会彻底转型的开始。包括公司国有化和土地改革在内的重大经济和社会改革得以实施。然而，这些变革导致了与美国的彻底决裂，美国针对美国财产国有化对古巴实施了贸易禁运。在卡斯特罗的领导下，古巴与苏联结盟，这标志着古巴与以往与美国结盟的重大转变。这一地缘政治现实加剧了冷战的紧张局势，尤其是在 1962 年古巴导弹危机期间。因此，古巴革命不仅对古巴意义重大，还产生了重大的国际影响，改变了冷战的地缘政治态势，并在未来数年影响了美国在拉丁美洲的政策。
巴西近代政治史的特点是专制政权和民主时期的交替。从事件发生的时间顺序可以清楚地看出这些过渡及其对国家的影响。
新国家时期始于 1937 年，当时自 1930 年革命以来一直掌权的热图利奥-瓦加斯（Getúlio Vargas）建立了独裁政权。该政权的特点是权力集中、严厉镇压反对者和实行新闻检查。矛盾的是，瓦加斯也设法实施了实质性改革，帮助实现了经济现代化，改善了巴西工人的生活条件。1945 年新国家的结束为巴西的民主时代铺平了道路。在此期间，巴西选出了几位总统，包括瓦加斯本人，他在 1951 年的民主选举中重新掌权。他的任期以 1954 年自杀的悲剧收场，标志着巴西政治史上又一个动荡的篇章。
1964 年，一场军事政变将若昂-古拉特总统赶下了台，巴西民主遭受了沉重打击。随后是长达二十年的军事独裁统治，其特点是政治压迫、新闻检查和公然侵犯人权。尽管存在压迫气氛，但这一时期的经济也迅速繁荣起来，只是伴随着债务和不平等的加剧。1985 年，巴西恢复民主，标志着军事独裁统治的结束。1988 年，巴西通过了新宪法，为更新和更具包容性的民主奠定了基础。然而，巴西仍然面临着持续的挑战，如腐败、社会和经济不平等以及其他结构性问题。
巴西 20 世纪的政治演变是一个充满鲜明对比的故事，既有专制也有民主，既有进步也有压迫。每个时期都在巴西的社会、政治和经济结构上留下了不可磨灭的印记，造就了巴西历史的复杂性和丰富性。
巴西的经济既强劲又多样化，其特点是农业部门（尤其是咖啡生产）蓬勃发展，工业和服务业也在不断扩大。咖啡种植园主要由地主精英控制，长期以来一直是巴西的主要出口产品。然而，财富和权力的集中使得包括移民和国内移民在内的农业工人的处境岌岌可危。尽管存在这些不平等现象，巴西还是逐步实现了经济多元化。工业化和服务业的发展使巴西成为重要的新兴经济体，而资源开采，尤其是石油开采，巩固了巴西在世界舞台上的地位。然而，由于财富和资源分配不均，不平等现象依然存在。大部分人口仍处于社会边缘，尤其是咖啡工人，他们往往无法获得教育、医疗和其他基本服务。巴西面临的挑战是如何将这些结构性不平等转化为更加平衡、更具包容性的经济。农业、教育和财富再分配方面的改革对于改变这种状况至关重要。
1930 年，巴西正处于第一共和国的统治之下，尽管政府宣称渴望秩序和进步，但却深陷政治动荡和经济困境。共和理想曾一度激起人们的乐观情绪，但如今却被国家陷入危机、竭力维持凝聚力和繁荣的现实所掩盖。只有一小部分人能够参与的选举制度是紧张局势的一个特殊根源。大多数人被排除在决策过程之外，这加剧了人们深深的不满和排斥感。每一次选举都是对巴西社会不平等和分裂的刺痛。在此背景下，1930 年的总统危机不仅是一场政治对抗，也是日益增长的挫折感和幻灭感的体现。有争议的选举结果使集体的怨恨具体化，将一场政治争吵转化为国家的决定性转折点。1930 年的军事政变正是在这样的气氛中发生的，它摧毁了第一共和国，开创了新国家的时代。这个政权披着法西斯主义的外衣，许诺秩序却阻碍自由，唤起进步却实施镇压。这是一个活生生的悖论，反映了
巴西 17 个州中有三个拒绝接受总统选举结果，导致了起义和骚乱。作为回应，军方发动政变，推翻了文职政府，将权力交给了南里奥格兰德州州长、养牛场主热图利奥-瓦尔加斯（Getúlio Vargas）。这一事件标志着新国家政权和巴西独裁统治时代的开始。到 1930 年，巴西的政治结构被深刻的紧张关系所撕裂。有争议的总统选举催化了这种不和谐，全国十七个州中有三个州拒绝接受选举结果。这场对中央政权的反抗不仅仅是一场政治争吵，它还反映了巴西社会内部根深蒂固的不信任和裂痕。持不同政见的各州陷入动荡，他们拒绝接受选举结果的行为演变成了明显的起义。街头巷尾充斥着民众的不满情绪，紧张局势日益加剧，随时可能爆发公开冲突。正是在这种风雨飘摇的背景下，军方以秩序和稳定的捍卫者自居，策划了一场政变。他们解散了文职政府，回应了感到被领导人背叛的民众的不满和要求。时任南里奥格兰德州州长、以养牛为生的热图利奥-巴尔加斯（Getúlio Vargas）上台执政。他的上台标志着动荡的第一共和国的结束和罪恶的新国家的开始。瓦加斯是一个复杂的人物，他既体现了民众对变革的渴望，也体现了当时独裁政权的压迫特征。以瓦加斯为首的 "新国家 "内部存在着矛盾--既承诺恢复秩序，又压制自由；既主张体现进步，又压制异见。巴西进入了一个权力集中、权威不受挑战的新时代。这个国家在动荡的过去和不确定的未来之间徘徊，其领导人体现了这个国家最深刻的矛盾。
巴西拥有丰富的地理和文化多样性，受地区经济实力变化的影响，政治动态一直在不断变化。在后殖民时代早期，蔗糖经济占主导地位，而巴西东北部作为这一产业的中心，是权力的所在地。蔗糖大亨们拥有财富和影响力，他们根据自己的利益制定国家政策。然而，与所有不断发展的国家一样，巴西并没有固守这种格局。经济地形不断演变，影响着移民、投资和技术创新的模式，同时也被这些模式所影响。随着世纪的发展，以里约热内卢为中心的南部出现了一个新的经济强国。咖啡和畜牧业成为南部崛起的支柱产业。该地区成为经济机遇的十字路口，吸引了投资、人才，也不可避免地吸引了政治力量。主导国家政治基调的不再是东北部，而是南部。在经济和政治权力不断变化的背景下，出现了像热图利奥-瓦加斯这样的人物。瓦加斯是这一转变的产物和反映--他的崛起既得益于他自身的政治技巧，也得益于巴西经济的风云变幻。以经济崛起为基础的南方政治稳定也标志着巴西政治结构的变化。巴西建国初期的斗争和冲突逐渐平息，取而代之的是一种更加巩固和集中的治理形式。
热图利奥-巴尔加斯（Getúlio Vargas）就任总统后，毫不迟疑地建立了一个实力雄厚的独裁政权。以军事政变为标志的权力崛起很快变成了一个几乎不容许反对的政府。左翼团体，尤其是社会主义者和共产主义者，是瓦加斯的首要目标。他铲除了他们的活动，突然终止了来自这一派别的任何挑战或批评。
瓦加斯政府的特点是严密控制，审查和镇压反对派是家常便饭。然而，在他的视线中不仅有左派。由墨索里尼的意大利秘密资助的法西斯右派（即综合派）很快就感受到了巴尔加斯镇压的热度。他决心巩固自己的权力，消除对其政权的任何潜在威胁。瓦加斯统治下的巴西经历了一个专制时代，反对派的声音被扼杀，言论自由受到严重限制。瓦加斯政权的特点不仅在于其独裁性质，还在于他系统性地消灭政治敌人，从而确保其对国家的控制不受挑战。这种政治压迫和权力巩固与同时代世界其他地方的极权主义倾向并无二致。瓦加斯用铁腕改变了巴西的政治结构，在巴西的政治版图上留下了不可磨灭的印记。
1937 年，热图利奥-瓦加斯建立了新国家，标志着巴西政治史上一个黑暗的转折点。受到意大利墨索里尼和葡萄牙萨拉查专制政权的启发，瓦加斯开始按照高度集权和专制的理念重塑巴西。本已脆弱不堪、饱受争议的民主被一扫而空，让位于对国家的绝对控制。政党曾是民主多样化的代言人，有时也是动荡不安的代言人，但现在却被取缔了。言论自由和公民权利是任何自由社会的重要基础，却遭到了严厉限制。新国家报》体现了一种公司主义国家，从经济到文化，生活的方方面面都受到国家的严格监管和控制。瓦加斯以军队为后盾建立政权。军队有着严格的等级制度和严明的纪律，是一个权力观如此绝对的领导人的天然盟友。在新国家的统治下，巴西不仅是一个由政府主导政策的国家，也是一个由政府主导公民日常生活的国家。镇压、审查和监视无处不在。不同的声音很快就被压制，任何反对意见都被强力镇压。这种压抑的气氛一直持续到 1945 年。当时，多年的镇压以及对自由和民主的强烈渴望激起了广泛的不满情绪，反对派越来越多。新国家的垮台不仅仅是专制政权的终结。它还代表了一个被暴政和控制窒息的国家的觉醒。在巴西走向恢复民主的过程中，它将不得不开始一个痛苦的和解与重建过程，在这一过程中，多年专制主义留下的伤疤将不得不愈合，国家将不得不再次找到自己的声音。
20 世纪 30 年代由热图利奥-瓦加斯建立的巴西新国家独裁政权是巴西政治史上最黑暗的篇章之一。专制主义和无处不在的国家控制是这个时代的显著特征，与巴西社会的活力和多样性形成了鲜明对比。热切的民族主义弥漫在政权的言论和政治中，试图塑造统一的民族身份。然而，这是一种狭义的民族主义，由政权的独裁理念所塑造，与健康民主所特有的多元化和包容性理想相去甚远。军队备受尊崇，被提升至国家守护者的地位。在军营和阅兵式的阴影下，军队成为政权的支柱，强制推行其意志并镇压任何异议。经济也未能幸免于国家控制。政府的控制渗透到每个部门、每家企业。工会曾经是工人的代言人，如今却被封杀，变成了国家的工具。私营公司在政府的监视下运营，其独立性和主动性受到严格监管和严密控制的阻碍。审查和镇压是封杀任何反对派的首选工具。新闻界、艺术家、知识分子--任何不同的声音要么被压制，要么被无情的审查所扼杀。监狱里挤满了敢于直言的人，恐惧弥漫在社会的每个角落。新国家不仅是一个政治体制，更是对自由、个性和多样性的攻击。在这个世界上，国家不仅仅是统治者，它还侵入了生活的方方面面、每一种思想、每一个梦想。在新国家体制时期，巴西不是一个自由的国家，而是一个被自己的政府奴役的国家，等待着解放的那一刻。
20 世纪 30 年代，巴西深陷政治和经济危机，大萧条带来的全球动荡更是雪上加霜。1930 年，热图利奥-瓦加斯通过军事政变夺取了政权，结束了巴西的第一共和国。瓦加斯来自巴西南部，代表着日益增长的农业利益，他给巴西的政治格局带来了巨大变化。1937 年，瓦加斯建立了新国家，这是一个受当时欧洲法西斯政府启发的专制政权。该政权废除了政党，实行新闻检查制度，并对全国实行严格控制。瓦加斯利用军队加强统治，铲除对手，同时宣扬强烈的民族主义。在新国家体制下，国家对经济的干预更加深入。国家在管理工业和农业方面发挥了核心作用。尽管受到政治压迫，瓦加斯仍推行了社会和经济改革，旨在实现国家现代化，改善工人阶级的生活条件。1945 年，在国内和国际要求民主化的压力下，特别是在第二次世界大战之后，巴西站在了协约国一边，"新国家 "宣告结束。瓦加斯被迫辞职，巴西开始向民主过渡。然而，瓦加斯于 1951 年重新掌权，这次是通过民主手段。他的第二个任期充满了紧张的政治局势，面对难以克服的反对派，他于 1954 年自杀身亡。瓦加斯时代，包括新国家和他的第二个任期，对巴西产生了深远的影响。尽管他独断专行，但他发起的改革却帮助巴西实现了现代化。巴西随后经历了政治不稳定时期，在民主和独裁政权之间交替，直到 20 世纪最后几十年才稳定为民主国家。
整体主义问候语 "Anauê "源自土著语，意为 "你是我的兄弟"，是一种古老的土著战争呐喊。
1939 年，贝尼托-墨索里尼的女儿埃达-墨索里尼（Edda Mussolini）在阿德马尔-德-巴罗斯（Ademar de Barros）访问圣保罗期间受到他的接见。新国家党同情纳粹法西斯主义。
1929 年爆发的全球金融危机是一次经济冲击，对公司和整个经济造成了严重破坏。在国际上大量投资和经营的美国公司也未能幸免。危机对拉丁美洲的影响尤为明显，因为美国公司在该地区拥有大量利益。随着股市崩溃和信贷紧缩，许多公司面临着流动资金减少、产品和服务需求下降的问题。而作为许多拉美国家经济重要组成部分的大宗商品价格的迅速下跌则加剧了这种情况。由于美国公司和银行为生存而挣扎，外国投资，特别是来自美国的投资已经枯竭。对于在拉美经营的美国公司来说，这意味着收入减少、利润率降低，在许多情况下，业务无利可图。资金难以获得，没有足够的融资，许多公司无法维持正常运营。因此，许多公司缩小规模、暂停运营或破产。这一时期也标志着美国与拉丁美洲之间经济关系的显著衰退。各国为保护本国经济而采取的保护主义政策加剧了这一局面，减少了国际贸易和投资。然而，尽管危机十分严重，但它也成为了重大经济和监管变革的催化剂。包括拉丁美洲国家在内的世界各国政府都采取了新的政策来规范经济活动、稳定金融市场和促进经济复苏。
1929 年的危机凸显了当时经济自由主义的脆弱性和固有缺陷。这种模式在大萧条之前的几年中占主导地位，它提倡国家在经济中扮演最低限度的角色，让市场自由发展，政府不进行重大干预。这种经济自由主义制度往往有利于土地所有者、工业家和金融部门，鼓励财富和权力在这些精英手中积累。监管和控制机制薄弱或根本不存在，使得这些群体的繁荣往往以牺牲工人阶级的利益为代价。另一方面，工人的处境岌岌可危。他们工资低、工作条件差，几乎没有社会保障或法律保护。他们的权利和自由往往被忽视，经济和社会不平等加剧。大萧条加剧了这些问题。随着市场崩溃、失业率飙升和企业倒闭，经济自由主义的结构性弱点变得不可否认。传统上在经济中处于边缘地位的国家，突然发现自己成了试图解决危机的中心。这标志着对经济自由主义的理解和实践的一个转折点。在经济和社会现实的压力下，世界各国政府开始采取更多的干预政策。国家在调节经济、保护工人和稳定金融市场方面发挥了更加积极的作用。
1929 年的危机暴露了当时经济自由主义模式的结构性弱点。这种模式的一个显著特点是财富和权力集中在经济精英（如商人、实业家和银行家）手中。另一方面，工人往往缺乏足够的保护和权利，承受着这些不平等带来的最严重后果。在这种不确定性和经济不安全感的背景下，面临巨大经济困难的民众往往寻求强有力的领导来恢复稳定和秩序。在一些拉美国家，出现了一些有魅力的人物，他们提出了独裁或民粹主义的方案，以取代以前盛行的自由主义。在美国，应对危机的措施也以加强国家干预为特点。在富兰克林-罗斯福担任总统期间，新政标志着与以往自由放任自由主义的重大决裂。政府采取了一系列措施来刺激经济增长、创造就业机会和保护最弱势的公民。这包括加强对金融市场的监管、扩大工人权利和社会福利措施。在这一危机时期，安抚和团结民众的需要揭示了民族主义的重要性。领导人转而利用民族主义思想和符号来凝聚民族，建立团结和社会凝聚力。
民粹主义往往具有矛盾性。一方面，它可以为那些感到自己被政治和经济精英忽视或边缘化的人们发出声音。在这种情况下，民粹主义领导人可以通过回应群众的不满和关切来动员广泛的民众支持。他们能够以 "普通人 "的拥护者自居，反对腐败和不合群的精英，从而暂时维持社会和平。另一方面，民粹主义也可能具有批判性。虽然民粹主义领导人经常承诺进行彻底变革，纠正人们认为的错误，但他们实际上可能会强化现有的权力和不平等结构。民粹主义政权发起的改革往往流于表面，未能从根本上解决不平等和不公正问题。有时，这些改革更注重巩固民粹主义领导人手中的权力，而不是改善他们声称代表的人民的生活条件。娴熟的言辞和有效的传播策略可以维持变革和代表的假象。然而，在表面之下，权力和不平等的结构往往保持不变。当大胆的变革和正义承诺被证明不充分或无法实现时，这可能导致民粹主义支持者的幻想破灭。
在许多历史和地理背景下都可以观察到这些动态。小农和工人阶级往往最容易受到经济危机的破坏性影响。他们的生计与经济直接相关，而在危机时期，经济变得不确定、不稳定。在这种情况下，民粹主义保证经济复苏和公平的承诺就显得极具诱惑力。社会党和共产党历来试图代表这些群体。它们往往提出激进的改革，以重新平衡经济和政治权力，并强调保护工人和小农。然而，在危机时期，这些政党和运动可能会被边缘化，或被更强大的民粹主义势力所吸收。民粹主义的表现形式多种多样，通常会提出统一的国家愿景，并提出快速解决复杂经济和社会问题的方案。这可能会导致规模较小、更加专业化的团体和政党受到压制或被收编。民粹主义言论倾向于将不同的群体团结在国家的旗帜下，将阶级、地区或职业的具体要求和身份搁置一边。
经济自由主义的缺点和弊端暴露无遗，随之而来的是作为这些社会特征的深刻不平等。
危机动摇了人们对现有经济体系的信心，凸显了结构改革的必要性。那些能够提出令人信服的统一和繁荣国家愿景的领导人赢得了支持。在许多情况下，他们采用民族主义意识形态，承诺恢复他们所领导的国家的尊严、权力和繁荣。这些意识形态有时会导致专制主义抬头。民粹主义领导人在危机的紧迫感的武装下，往往会巩固自己手中的权力，排挤相互竞争的政治力量，建立虽然受欢迎但往往以限制公民自由和权力集中为特点的政权。然而，同样重要的是要认识到，在某些情况下，危机时期促成了实质性的必要改革。例如，在美国，罗斯福政府推行了 "新政"，这套计划和政策不仅有助于稳定经济，还为建立更强大的社会安全网奠定了基础。
大萧条之后的社会动荡造成了对稳定和改革的迫切需求。为此，各国政府在专制主义和民粹主义之间摇摆不定，以维持控制和确保社会安宁。尤其是民粹主义，它似乎是一种安抚群众和避免革命的机制，1933 年古巴的政治发展就说明了这一策略。然而，民粹主义运动并不满足于夸夸其谈，它要求在执行政策时具有一定的实质性，这样才能有效。这通常涉及引入社会立法以保护工人和穷人的权利，这是缓解当时普遍存在的社会动荡的必要步骤。然而，尽管这些措施成功地暂时缓解了社会紧张局势，但并没有消除不平等和不公正的根本问题。不满情绪的种子依然潜伏着，并在第二次世界大战后再次爆发。一个政治和社会动员的新时代即将开始。农村地区的小农、城市地区的社会主义和共产主义政党及工会受到大萧条持续影响的冲击尤为严重。虽然国家设法压制了其中一些群体，或将其纳入更大的国家政治结构，但提供的社会保护往往不足。经济不平等、社会公正和人权等基本问题仍未得到解决。
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