Version du 16 novembre 2023 à 14:53

根据 Aline Helg 的演讲改编^[1]^[2]^[3]^[4]^[5]^[6]^[7]

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冷战是以美国为首的西方大国与以苏联为首的东方大国之间地缘政治长期紧张的时期。从第二次世界大战结束到 20 世纪 90 年代初，这一时代对全球政治和经济动态产生了重大影响。然而，拉丁美洲也未能幸免于这些地缘政治动荡，其历史在此期间受到了深刻影响。

由菲德尔-卡斯特罗领导的 1959 年古巴革命是这些动荡在拉丁美洲最重要的表现之一。它给该地区留下了不可磨灭的印记，被视为对美国利益的重大挑战。这场革命导致古巴建立了共产主义政权，被视为苏联在该地区影响力的延伸。因此，美国和古巴之间的关系恶化，出现了各种推翻古巴政府的企图，包括 1961 年臭名昭著的猪湾入侵失败。

古巴革命后，美国在拉丁美洲采取了干预政策，旨在阻止共产主义在该地区的蔓延。这一战略导致美国支持独裁政权，资助反共叛乱组织（如尼加拉瓜的康特拉），并支持军事政变（如 1973 年智利的军事政变）。不幸的是，美国的这种干涉往往导致该地区局势更加不稳定，人权遭到严重侵犯。

拉丁美洲的冷战

民主浪潮与美国干预（1944-1946 年）

第二次世界大战结束后的 1944 年至 1946 年期间，民主浪潮席卷了多个拉美国家。在这一时期，该地区出现了从独裁政权向民主政府的重大转变。有几个因素促成了这一政治变革。世界冲突的结束导致了国际政治的变化，全球范围内对民主和人权做出了坚定的承诺。民主价值观和人民自决是战后新的世界观的核心。美国在支持拉丁美洲民主方面发挥了关键作用。它鼓励该地区向民主过渡，特别是通过富兰克林-罗斯福总统的睦邻政策。西方民主国家，尤其是美国的成功，激励着许多拉丁美洲国家寻求更加民主的政府形式。公民渴望获得更大的政治自由，更多地参与决策过程。民间社会发起的社会运动、罢工和示威对现有的专制政权造成了巨大压力。拉丁美洲人民要求进行政治和社会改革，结束政治压迫。这导致一些拉美国家实现了民主转型，选举出了民主政府，并实施了重大政治改革。例如，阿根廷的胡安-多明戈-贝隆、巴西的欧里科-加斯帕尔-杜特拉、危地马拉的胡安-何塞-阿雷瓦洛当选总统，他们都支持民主政府和社会改革。

20 世纪 40 年代，拉丁美洲发生了几起重大政治事件，标志着该地区一些国家向民主过渡。1944 年，危地马拉发生军事政变，推翻了自 1931 年以来一直统治该国的豪尔赫-乌比科专制政府。这为建立民主政府铺平了道路，并激发了该地区其他类似的运动。1945 年，阿根廷举行民主选举，军官胡安-贝隆当选总统。这标志着阿根廷民主统治时期的开始，不过，1955 年贝隆在军事政变中被推翻，中断了这一时期。1946 年，巴西也举行了十多年来的首次民主选举，欧里科-加斯帕尔-杜特拉当选总统。这标志着自 1930 年以来执政的热图利奥-瓦加斯独裁统治的结束。秘鲁举行了民主选举，何塞-路易斯-布斯塔曼特-伊-里韦罗当选总统。他的政府推行了劳工改革，并将某些行业国有化。然而，该地区其他国家继续面临政治挑战。海地在埃利-莱斯科特总统的统治下，政府腐败严重，人权受到侵犯。在委内瑞拉，1945 年的人民起义推翻了伊萨亚斯-梅迪纳-安加里塔（Isaías Medina Angarita）的军事独裁统治，联合政府实施了进步政策和社会计划。然而，1948 年的一场军事政变又将该国推回到另一个独裁统治之下。这些事件说明了拉丁美洲国家在寻求民主和政治改革方面所走过的不同道路，反映了当时该地区的复杂性。

20 世纪 40 年代，拉丁美洲的民主过渡被该地区国家和美国普遍视为积极的发展。美国尤其支持这些变革，认为民主有助于促进政治稳定，打击共产主义在该地区的蔓延，这符合美国的冷战政策。然而，必须指出的是，这些过渡并非没有挑战。新的民主政体在建立后的几年里往往面临政治和经济不稳定的问题。民主过渡有时伴随着社会内部的政治紧张、冲突和分裂。刚刚摆脱长期独裁统治的国家往往需要重建对民主体制的信心，并找到处理政治分歧的方法。此外，该地区许多国家还面临着重大的经济挑战。向民主过渡并不能自动保证经济状况的改善，新的民主国家往往面临通货膨胀、外债和工业化薄弱等问题。外部压力和影响，特别是冷战期间来自美国和苏联的压力和影响，有时会使政治局势复杂化。该地区各国之间的地缘政治竞争也会影响其政治和经济取向。最后，社会运动和民众诉求有时是民主过渡的根源，在该地区的政治中继续发挥着重要作用。公民经常要求进行社会和经济改革，这可能会造成社会内部的紧张关系。归根结底，拉丁美洲的民主过渡是一个复杂的过程，既有成功也有困难。虽然民主带来了政治自由和公民参与方面的好处，但它并不总能解决该地区国家面临的所有经济和社会问题。在随后的几十年里，这些发展对拉丁美洲的政治和经济发展轨迹起到了关键作用。

与 1944 至 1946 年间席卷多个拉美国家的民主浪潮不同，古巴、洪都拉斯、尼加拉瓜、萨尔瓦多和巴拉圭在此期间仍处于独裁者的统治之下。这些独裁政权牢牢控制着各自的国家，对国家治理和公民日常生活造成了重大影响。在古巴，富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔（Fulgencio Batista）掌权，最初当选为国家总统，但后来通过军事政变推翻了民主制度。其政权的特点是政治压迫和普遍腐败。在洪都拉斯，提布尔西奥-卡里亚斯-安迪诺（Tiburcio Carías Andino）自 1933 年以来一直维持独裁统治，对国家实行专制控制。阿纳斯塔西奥-索摩查-加西亚自 1937 年起作为独裁者统治尼加拉瓜，扼杀政治和经济权力，他的家族几十年来一直控制着这个国家。在萨尔瓦多，马克西米利亚诺-埃尔南德斯-马丁内斯将军自 1931 年以来一直掌权，他的政权因残酷镇压政治反对派而臭名昭著。巴拉圭由希吉尼奥-莫里尼戈领导，他在 1940 年的一次军事政变中上台执政，其政府以持续的独裁主义为特征。这些国家一直处于这些独裁者的控制之下，而该地区的其他国家则在向民主政府迈进。政治差异和国家背景造成了这些分歧，这些国家的人民经常面临镇压、侵犯人权以及限制政治和公民自由的时期。

1944 至 1946 年间拉丁美洲民主浪潮的特点是，城市中产阶级大力支持改良主义政党，这些政党往往得到共产主义和社会主义政党的支持。这些改良主义政党致力于推行旨在解决社会和经济不平等问题的进步政策，包括土地改革、劳工改革和社会计划。城市中产阶级尤其倾向于支持这些政党，因为他们渴望政治和经济现代化，而这些政党似乎承诺实现这一愿景。与此同时，共产党和社会主义政党也支持这些改革派政党，因为它们有着共同的社会和经济正义愿景。左翼政党将这些运动视为促进其财富再分配和社会改革理想的契机。然而，必须指出的是，共产党和社会主义政党对这些改革派政党的支持引起了美国的担忧。在冷战背景下，美国担心共产主义在拉丁美洲蔓延。美国将共产党和社会主义政党对改革运动的支持视为对其在该地区影响力的潜在威胁。这种担忧导致美国在二战后对多个拉美国家进行干预，目的是打击共产主义和社会主义运动，保护其地缘政治利益。20 世纪 40 年代拉丁美洲的民主浪潮是多种因素共同作用的结果，其中包括城市中产阶级对改革的渴望、对左翼政党的支持以及美国的地缘政治关切。这些动态给该地区留下了持久的印象，并影响了拉丁美洲随后的政治和经济发展。

第二次世界大战结束后，拉丁美洲经历了一个工业化复兴时期，其特点是渴望实现国民经济现代化，赶上欧洲和北美国家的发展步伐。这一时期经济增长的特点是新兴产业的出现、基础设施的发展和城市中产阶级的壮大。推动拉丁美洲工业化的因素很多，包括追求经济自给自足、国家经济多样化以及希望减少对原材料出口的依赖。该地区许多国家投资于制造业、机械化农业和交通基础设施等部门，以刺激经济增长。然而，美国在 20 世纪 40 年代末加入冷战对拉丁美洲产生了重大影响。美国和苏联之间的地缘政治斗争导致全球两极分化，该地区的许多国家都受到了这种竞争的影响。美国试图在拉丁美洲建立自己的影响力，以防止共产主义的蔓延，这往往导致对该地区的政治和军事干预。拉丁美洲成为冷战中的战略战场，该地区的国家往往分为亲美和亲苏阵营。美国支持反共政府和独裁者，而左翼运动和共产党也获得了影响力。冷战时期在拉丁美洲留下了持久的伤痕，其政治、经济和社会后果持续了几十年。地缘政治竞争有时凌驾于对经济发展和社会公正的关注之上，在该地区造成了深刻的分歧。

冷战期间，美国为遏制共产主义在拉丁美洲的蔓延，经常支持敌视民主原则和公民自由的独裁政权。这一政策导致该地区许多国家的民主长期衰落，军事独裁政权随之出现。这些独裁政权的特点是系统地侵犯人权、镇压政治反对派和强调军事集结。美国支持这些独裁政权的理由是，它们是防止共产主义蔓延的堡垒。然而，这一政策往往导致对公民基本权利的公然践踏，包括言论自由、新闻自由和参加自由公正选举的权利。许多美国支持的政府对政治机构实行严格控制，镇压一切形式的异议。这些军事独裁政权在许多拉美国家留下了深深的伤痕，对治理、人权和政治稳定造成了持久的影响。人权运动积极谴责这些弊端，在 20 世纪 80 年代和 90 年代向民主过渡的过程中，各国努力对过去的弊端做出解释，并建立更强大的民主制度。拉丁美洲的冷战历史错综复杂，其特点是地缘政治需要与民主价值观之间的微妙平衡。这一时期的后果对该地区产生了重大影响，在集体记忆中留下了深刻的痕迹，并影响了拉美国家的政治轨迹直至今日。

在此期间，美国向拉丁美洲的独裁政权提供了大量的军事和经济援助，这往往损害了民主原则和人权。美国在该地区推行的冷战政策产生了持久的影响，导致民主体制被削弱，社会不平等和社会冲突得以维持。美国的军事和经济援助往往被用来支持独裁政权，加强其内部镇压能力，并在反共斗争中推行有利于美国利益的政治导向。这种援助有时被用来镇压政治反对派和社会运动，助长了侵犯人权行为和政治不稳定。直到 20 世纪 80 年代和 90 年代，拉丁美洲才开始向民主过渡。军事独裁逐渐被民选政府取代，民间社会开始要求加强问责制和提高政治代表性。在这一过渡时期，人们努力追究独裁政权侵犯人权的责任，并进行旨在恢复民主和促进社会公正的改革。拉丁美洲的冷战历史仍然是该地区历史上复杂而有争议的一章，对政治、经济和社会产生了持久的影响。那个时代的教训有助于塑造 21 世纪拉丁美洲的政治轨迹，重新关注民主、人权和社会正义。

冷战的影响（1947 年）

1947 年，拉丁美洲在第二次世界大战后经历了一定程度的开放，但这一态势因美国加入冷战而戛然而止。这一时期，美国在该地区的军事力量得到加强，对地区政策产生了重大影响。在冷战背景下，美国采取了坚决反苏的政策，并在其主导的美洲国家间会议上努力向其他美洲国家宣传这一政策。这一时期的主要成就之一是 1947 年签署了《里约条约》。该条约建立了美洲国家之间的互助体系，并宣布对其中一个国家的任何武装攻击或威胁都将被视为对所有美洲国家的攻击。里约条约》加强了美国作为拉丁美洲霸主的地位，并为该地区的军事合作建立了框架。这也是美国遏制苏联在拉美地区的影响、防止共产主义在该地区蔓延的战略的重要工具。然而，加入该条约并非没有争议，因为许多拉美国家担心这会导致该地区过度军事化，削弱其国家主权。这一时期地缘政治紧张，竞争激烈，美国在冷战期间在确定拉丁美洲政治议程方面发挥了核心作用。

大多数拉美国家签署的《里约条约》的主要目的是遏制冷战期间共产主义在该地区扩张的威胁。该条约为签署国之间的军事合作建立了框架，美国在向这些国家的武装部队提供军事援助和培训方面发挥了核心作用。该条约还为美国干预拉美国家事务以保护其所认为的安全利益提供了理由。实际上，《里约条约》创建了一个集体防御机制，签署该条约的美洲国家承诺在发生武装侵略或安全威胁时相互支持。如果其中一个国家受到攻击，其他成员国有义务向其提供援助，从而巩固了美国作为该地区霸主的地位，并保证其在反共斗争中的领导地位。因此，《里约条约》成为冷战期间美国在拉丁美洲推行遏制政策的基石。它使美国有理由在该地区进行军事和政治干预，以对抗共产主义的影响，而这往往会损害国家主权和民主原则。这一时期的特点是美国强势介入拉美国家的内部事务，对该地区的政治和稳定产生了重大影响。

美国加入冷战并加强其在拉丁美洲的军事力量，对该地区产生了深远而持久的影响。这一时期加剧了对民主体制的侵蚀，强化了独裁军事政权的盛行，并增加了对人权的侵犯。美国推行的冷战政策往往损害了拉丁美洲的民主价值观和公民自由。得到美国支持的专制政府得到了大量支持，这有助于他们继续掌权，尽管他们采取了镇压行动。这些政权系统地侵犯人权，镇压政治反对派，并对公民社会施加严格限制。在这种情况下，酷刑、法外处决和媒体审查等公然侵权行为屡见不鲜。美国的影响也经常阻碍举行自由公正的选举，破坏该地区的民主。拉丁美洲花了许多年才从这一政治动荡和镇压时期恢复过来。20 世纪 80 年代和 90 年代的民主过渡标志着一个重要的转折点，人们努力对过去的侵权行为进行问责、恢复民主和促进人权。然而，这一时期的后果却一直存在，在该地区的集体记忆中留下了深深的伤痕，并对拉丁美洲的政治和社会产生了持久的影响。

冷战期间，美国认为自己受到苏联和共产主义意识形态的攻击。在此背景下，美国政府认为拉丁美洲是一个容易受到共产主义影响的地区，并将共产主义在该地区的传播视为对其自身安全的威胁。因此，美国采取了各种手段，试图拉拢拉美国家支持其反共事业。美国向其认为有利于自身利益的政权提供军事和经济援助，同时积极推翻其认为是共产主义或同情共产主义的政府。他们还利用宣传来推广自己的世界观，将共产主义及其支持者妖魔化，并影响该地区的公众舆论。许多拉美国家感受到了在反冷战斗争中与美国结盟的压力，即使它们并不完全赞同美国的观点或利益。一些国家，如古巴和尼加拉瓜，明确反对美国的世界观，并采取了反美政策。然而，该地区大多数国家发现自己处于一个微妙的位置，既要努力维护自己的独立和主权，又要在反共斗争中与美国保持一致。这种态势对拉丁美洲产生了重大影响。它导致了民主体制的削弱、社会冲突和不平等的长期存在，以及美国支持的独裁政权的盛行。美国在反冷战斗争中拉拢拉美国家支持其事业的努力往往是以牺牲该地区的民主价值观和人权为代价的。拉美花了很多年才从这段政治动荡和镇压时期恢复过来，对该地区的政治、经济和社会造成了持久影响。20 世纪 80 年代和 90 年代的民主过渡标志着该地区历史上的一个重要里程碑，人们努力对过去的侵权行为做出解释，并建立更加尊重人权的更强大的民主制度。

美洲国家组织总部设在华盛顿特区的泛美联盟大楼内。

美洲国家组织（OAS）总部位于华盛顿特区的泛美联盟大厦。该大厦建成于 1910 年，是美洲国家组织的前身美洲共和国国际联盟的总部所在地。如今，这座标志性建筑是美洲国家组织的主要行政中心，也是世界上历史最悠久的区域组织。美洲国家组织成立于 1948 年，旨在促进美洲的民主、人权和经济发展。该组织汇集了来自北美洲、中美洲、南美洲和加勒比海地区的 35 个成员国。它在该地区成员国之间的合作和政策协调方面发挥着至关重要的作用，致力于保护人权、促进民主、解决冲突和社会经济发展等问题。美洲国家组织是众多旨在加强美洲政治稳定和尊重民主价值观的辩论和倡议的论坛。美洲国家组织总部设在华盛顿特区，体现了其作为促进美洲国家间合作与理解的重要地区组织的重要性。

美洲国家组织（OAS）成立于 1948 年，是一个旨在促进美洲国家间合作与团结的地区性组织。然而，虽然《美洲国家组织宪章》规定了不干涉和不干预原则，但现实情况是，美国经常主导该组织。在整个冷战期间，美国利用美洲国家组织作为促进其在该地区利益的工具，常常损害其他成员国的主权和独立。美洲国家组织于 1962 年通过了一项决议，宣布共产主义与民主不相容，这给美国和其他成员国提供了一个借口，可以干涉被认为同情共产主义的其他国家的内政。此外，由于美国在该地区的经济和军事实力，以及该组织总部设在华盛顿特区这一事实，美国在美洲国家组织内历来具有相当大的影响力。这常常导致有人指责美洲国家组织偏袒美国，并被用来促进美国在该地区的利益。尽管有这些批评，美洲国家组织还是促进了美洲的民主和人权，并在调解成员国之间的冲突方面发挥了关键作用。近年来，该组织一直在努力重申其独立性，并促进以更加平衡的方式处理地区问题。然而，美国主导美洲国家组织的历史仍是该地区的争议焦点。

20 世纪 60 年代，美国将拉丁美洲视为全球反共斗争的潜在战场。他们担心苏联在该地区扩张的可能性。这种观点受到多种因素的影响，尤其是 1959 年的古巴革命，这场革命在距离美国海岸仅 90 英里的地方建立了一个社会主义政府。1947 年的《里约条约》规定，任何对美洲成员国安全或领土完整的威胁都将被视为对所有成员国的威胁。这意味着，如果该地区的任何国家受到外来势力的攻击或威胁，美国将有义务保护该国。这被视为一种威慑来自地区外的侵略和促进地区团结以应对共同威胁的方式。然而，随着冷战的发展，美国开始对这一条款进行更宽泛的解释，认为对成员国安全的任何内部威胁，如共产主义的传播，也会威胁到美国。这种解释为美国干涉地区其他国家的内政提供了借口，而这些国家的主权或独立往往很少受到重视。在此背景下，美国越来越多地参与支持该地区的反共力量，特别是通过军事援助和培训、秘密行动和直接干预冲突。这导致了一系列有争议、有时甚至是血腥的干预行动，包括在危地马拉、尼加拉瓜和智利。

门罗主义由詹姆斯-门罗总统于1823年首次提出，宣称美国反对欧洲列强殖民或干涉西半球国家事务的任何企图。随着时间的推移，这一理论被解释为美国干预拉丁美洲的理由，特别是在冷战期间。在此期间，美国国会投票赞成向拉美国家提供军事援助，通常采取经济和军事援助计划的形式。这些援助旨在加强这些国家的军事能力，遏制苏联在该地区的影响。然而，这些资金的很大一部分被用于购买美国制造的武器和军事装备，从而刺激了美国国防工业的发展。美国的军事援助往往带有附加条件，因为美国试图在拉美地区促进自己的利益和价值观。这包括鼓励民主、人权以及反对左翼运动和政府。然而，在某些情况下，美国的军事援助被用来支持专制独裁政权，导致该地区国家出现侵犯人权和政治压迫的现象。

冷战期间，美国向拉美国家提供的军事援助具有重要意义。这种援助采取一揽子经济和军事援助的形式，旨在加强拉美国家抵御内部和外部威胁的防御能力。然而，这些援助中有相当一部分被指定用于购买美国制造的武器和军事装备，这有助于刺激美国国防工业的发展。这种做法也是美国通过加强地区盟国的军事能力来促进其利益和价值观的一种方式。这种态势在多个领域产生了重大影响。首先，它使美国成为全球军火贸易的主要参与者，为专门从事军火生产的美国公司创造了就业机会和收入。它还加强了拉美国家在军事和安全支持方面对美国的依赖，从而巩固了美国在该地区的影响力。然而，武器在该地区的扩散也助长了许多国家的内部冲突和不稳定，使冷战期间美国对拉美的军事援助产生了复杂而持久的后果。

除了美国的军事援助和武器销售，冷战期间美国还在拉丁美洲实施了各种培训计划和反叛乱行动。其中一个值得注意的计划是美洲学校，该学校成立于 1946 年，位于佐治亚州本宁堡。这所学校旨在培训拉丁美洲军事人员的反叛乱战术，其中包括教授酷刑和暗杀技巧。该校的许多毕业生后来成为拉美军事政权的领导人，其中一些人还卷入了侵犯人权和暴行。与此同时，美国还向拉美派遣绿色贝雷帽，对当地部队进行反叛乱战术培训。此外，"进步联盟 "是美国的一项经济援助计划，旨在促进该地区的经济和社会发展。这些举措是美国更广泛努力的一部分，旨在对抗苏联在拉丁美洲的影响，同时促进美国自身的利益和价值观。

随着共产主义的威胁在拉丁美洲日益加剧，美国政府将重点放在促进和巩固反共政权上，这往往以牺牲民主和人权为代价。这导致了对该地区一些专制和镇压性政权的支持，其中许多都对严重侵犯人权和政治压迫负有责任。美国向这些政权提供军事和经济援助，有时还以打击共产主义和促进美国利益的名义对其暴行视而不见。此外，美国还积极致力于颠覆和推翻那些被认为倾向于共产主义或社会主义意识形态的民选政府，如 1954 年的危地马拉和 1973 年的智利。尽管美国声称要促进该地区的民主和自由，但其行动往往产生相反的效果，导致许多国家的民主体制受到侵蚀，专制主义抬头。直到冷战结束和苏联解体后，美国才开始改变做法，优先支持该地区的民主治理和人权。这标志着美国在拉丁美洲的外交政策发生了重大变化。

冷战期间，美国政府相信，在反共斗争中，专制和镇压政权比民主政权更有效。因此，美国经常支持拉丁美洲的此类政权。其基本逻辑是，为了阻止共产主义的蔓延，美国需要支持有能力维护稳定和安全、愿意使用武力镇压共产主义运动及其同情者的政府。这种做法经常导致军政府和其他准备使用暴力和镇压手段来维持政权的独裁政权得到扶持。然而，这一战略却使该地区的人权和民主付出了相当大的代价。许多美国支持的政权都犯下了严重侵犯人权和政治镇压的罪行。此外，这一战略在防止共产主义蔓延方面也被证明是无效的。相反，它往往通过煽动民众对美国支持的政权的不满，助长了共产主义和社会主义运动的兴起。冷战结束、苏联解体后，美国才开始重新思考自己的做法，优先支持该地区的民主治理和人权。这标志着美国在拉丁美洲的外交政策发生了重大变化。

反民主浪潮（从 1947 年开始）

第二次世界大战后，许多拉丁美洲国家倾向于专制和不民主的做法。该地区的统治精英试图巩固权力，消灭反对派，包括中产阶级。这一发展在一定程度上受到冷战背景的影响，当时美国政府对反共政权的支持往往破坏了该地区的民主和人权。统治精英利用对共产主义威胁的认识，为其镇压反对派团体和持不同政见者寻找借口。因此，许多拉美国家出现了专制政权，军政府和其他镇压性政府掌权，普遍践踏人权。这种反民主趋势持续了几十年，直到冷战结束，标志着该地区开始向民主和尊重人权过渡。

波哥大革命期间，国家议会大厦前着火的有轨电车。

第二次世界大战后和冷战初期，拉丁美洲发生了一系列起义和政治危机，导致一些国家建立了独裁政权。在厄瓜多尔，1944 年的军事政变推翻了政府，建立了军政府。在秘鲁，20 世纪 40 年代末和 50 年代初的数次政变和政治危机导致 1968 年建立了军事政权。在委内瑞拉，1948 年的政变导致建立了军事独裁政权，并一直持续到 1958 年。除这些国家外，阿根廷和危地马拉的起义和政治危机也导致了独裁政权的建立。在阿根廷，1943 年的一场军事政变导致建立了军事独裁政权，并一直持续到 1946 年。此后，政局几度动荡，包括 20 世纪 70 年代和 80 年代初的 "肮脏战争"。在危地马拉，1954 年的政变推翻了民选政府，建立了军事独裁政权，并一直持续到 1985 年。这些独裁政权的特点往往是镇压、侵犯人权和镇压政治反对派。它们得到了美国的支持，美国将其视为该地区反对共产主义的堡垒。然而，最终事实证明它们难以为继，许多拉美国家自此开始向民主治理过渡。

在哥伦比亚，1946 年至 1954 年期间发生了一场由自由党和保守党之间的政治暴力引发的内战，被称为 "暴力"（La Violencia）。法西斯右翼在冲突中扮演了重要角色，保守势力对自由党反对派实施了屠杀和其他暴力行为。1946 年上台执政的保守党政府几乎没有采取任何措施来打击暴力，反而通过武装保守党准军事团体来助长冲突。这场内战造成至少 25 万人死亡，并在未来数年对哥伦比亚社会和政治产生了巨大影响。

在冷战时期的一些拉美国家，专制领导人往往在美国的支持下建立王朝。例如，在美国的支持下，福尔甘西奥-巴蒂斯塔（Fulgencio Batista）于 1934 年至 1940 年间独裁统治古巴，之后又于 1952 年至 1959 年间独裁统治古巴。在海地，以独裁者弗朗索瓦-杜瓦利埃和让-克洛德-杜瓦利埃父子为首的杜瓦利埃家族从 1957 年到 1986 年统治海地长达 30 多年。在尼加拉瓜，以阿纳斯塔西奥-索摩查-加西亚父子为首的索摩查家族在美国的支持下，从1936年到1979年控制该国长达40多年。这些独裁政权的特点往往是政治压迫、侵犯人权和迫害反对派，但他们凭借内部联盟和外部支持维持了多年政权。

尽管其他拉美国家面临着许多挑战和压力，乌拉圭仍被视为在冷战期间保持稳定和正常运作的民主国家。1942 年，乌拉圭成为第一个建立福利国家的拉美国家，并拥有悠久的民主和尊重人权的传统。冷战期间，乌拉圭组织了定期选举和多党政治制度。但在此期间，乌拉圭面临着政治和经济挑战，包括政治两极分化、社会动荡和经济停滞。20 世纪 70 年代，乌拉圭经历了一段以侵犯人权和镇压不同政见者为特征的独裁统治时期。然而，1985 年乌拉圭恢复了民主政府，自此以后，乌拉圭一直是一个稳定的民主国家，坚定地致力于人权和社会正义。这证明，尽管面临冷战的挑战，乌拉圭的民主体制仍具有顽强的生命力，乌拉圭人民愿意捍卫民主价值观。

虽然乌拉圭在冷战时期一直是民主国家，但值得注意的是，其他拉美国家也至少在一段时间内保持了民主政府。例如，哥斯达黎加有着悠久的民主传统，在冷战期间能够保持稳定的民主政府。智利在冷战时期的大部分时间里也有一个相对稳定的民主政府，尽管它面临着重大挑战，并最终在 1973 年经历了军事政变。墨西哥、巴西和委内瑞拉等其他国家在此期间也经历了民主政府时期，尽管这些时期往往政治不稳定，民主治理面临挑战。

拉丁美洲反共十字军东征的三个要素

20 世纪 50 年代发生在拉丁美洲的 "反民主十字军东征 "包括三个主要内容，反映了在美国遏制政策的指导下，反对共产主义影响的激烈斗争。首先，这场 "讨伐 "最重要的一个方面是通过将共产党定为非法来消灭它们。这一措施产生了巨大影响，导致共产党员人数大幅减少。例如，共产党员人数从 1947 年的约 400 000 人减少到 1952 年的约一半。反共战略随后扩展到工作领域。美国政府与美国劳工联合会工会合作，在建立反共工会方面发挥了积极作用。此举旨在压制共产主义在劳工运动中的影响，而劳工运动通常被视为左翼思想的沃土。与此同时，共产党员被驱逐出已受国家控制的工会。最后，这场运动的第三个关键因素是外交排斥和在整个美洲断绝与苏联的外交关系。这一战略的目的是在政治上和外交上孤立该地区的共产党政府，防止苏联影响的扩散。从整体上看，这些措施旨在打击共产主义在拉丁美洲的影响，是美国在冷战期间推行的整体遏制政策的一部分。这一时期，地缘政治和意识形态紧张局势激烈，对相关国家造成了深远的社会和政治影响。

危地马拉的案例

危地马拉城壁画上的雅各布-阿尔本斯-古斯曼（Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán）。

1954 年危地马拉 "政变"：中央情报局备忘录（1975 年 5 月），其中描述了中央情报局在 1954 年 6 月罢黜雅各布-阿尔本斯-古斯曼总统的危地马拉政府中的作用（1-5）。

在 1951 年当选的雅各布-阿尔本斯（Jacobo Árbenz）担任总统期间，危地马拉进行了一系列旨在实现国家现代化和重新分配土地的改革。尤其是土地改革，从大地主手中征用闲置土地，分配给无地农民。然而，这一政策影响了美国的经济利益，尤其是美国联合果品公司的利益，该公司在危地马拉拥有大片土地。美国认为，阿尔本斯的改革不仅威胁到他们的经济利益，还可能为共产主义在该地区的影响打开大门。1954 年，这种恐惧导致美国在艾森豪威尔政府的领导下组织了一场针对阿尔本斯的政变。中央情报局（CIA）在向危地马拉流亡者和当地雇佣军提供财政、后勤和培训支持方面发挥了关键作用，以实施这场被称为 "PBSUCCESS 行动 "的政变。政变取得成功，阿尔本斯被迫辞职并逃离危地马拉。取而代之的是一系列独裁军事政权，标志着危地马拉开始了长期的政治压迫和侵犯人权行为。危地马拉事件清楚地表明，美国当时愿意干涉拉丁美洲的政治事务，以保护其商业利益并打击共产主义。它还表明美国愿意使用秘密行动和军事力量来实现这些目标，甚至不惜以推翻民选政府为代价。这一事件不仅对危地马拉，而且对整个地区都产生了深远的影响，塑造了未来几十年许多拉美国家的国际关系和国内政治。

当时，危地马拉的人口刚刚超过 300 万，其中大部分是土著玛雅人。尽管人数众多，但这些玛雅社区生活贫困，获得教育和医疗保健等基本服务的机会有限。危地马拉的经济主要依靠农业，尤其是咖啡和香蕉的出口。联合果品公司是一家实力雄厚的美国公司，与美国政府关系密切，该公司的存在对危地马拉的经济和政治产生了重大影响。该公司拥有大量农业用地，尤其是用于种植香蕉的土地，并在香蕉产业中发挥了重要作用。土地和财富集中在少数几家大公司和当地精英手中，加剧了社会不平等。特别是玛雅原住民，他们被边缘化，经常被剥夺土地，无法从国家的自然财富中获益。这种不平等的社会经济结构是雅各布-阿尔本斯（Jacobo Árbenz）政府进行改革的导火索之一，包括旨在将土地重新分配给无地农民的土地改革，其中许多人来自玛雅社区。这一时期的危地马拉环境以严重的不平等和重大的外国影响为特征，在该国的政治和社会事件中发挥了至关重要的作用，包括 1954 年的政变。这些历史因素继续影响着当代危地马拉社会，其影响至今仍在。

胡安-何塞-阿雷瓦洛在 1944 年 "十月革命 "后当选为危地马拉总统，"十月革命 "是一场推翻军事独裁政权的人民起义。他的当选标志着一个历史性的转折点，因为他成为该国第一位民选总统。在任期间，阿雷瓦洛发起了一系列渐进式改革，为重大的社会和经济变革奠定了基础。这些改革包括改善工作条件、建立社会保障和土地改革雏形。尽管他的改革是温和的，但却为日后更为激进的变革奠定了基础。在阿雷瓦洛担任总统之后，雅各布-阿尔本斯继续并加强了其前任发起的改革。阿尔本斯最著名的是他雄心勃勃的土地改革计划，该计划旨在征用包括联合果品公司在内的大公司的闲置土地，并将其重新分配给无地农民。这一政策直接影响了美国在危地马拉的经济利益和投资。美国认为征用联合果品公司的土地是一种威胁，这不仅是因为潜在的经济损失，还因为担心共产主义在该地区的影响。这些担忧导致艾森豪威尔政府于 1954 年授权由中央情报局策划的秘密行动推翻阿尔本兹政府。政变取得了成功，标志着危地马拉政治动荡和镇压时期的开始，结束了短暂的民主化和进步改革时期。胡安-何塞-阿雷瓦洛和雅各布-阿尔本斯的故事以及他们任职后发生的事件揭示了冷战时期地缘政治的紧张局势以及外国（尤其是美国）干涉主义对拉丁美洲政治事务的深刻影响。这些事件对危地马拉产生了持久的影响，塑造了危地马拉数十年的政治和社会发展。

胡安-何塞-阿雷瓦洛在担任危地马拉总统期间进行了一系列渐进式改革，标志着危地马拉进入了现代化和社会进步时期。在他的领导下，受墨西哥宪法的启发，危地马拉通过了一部新宪法。这部宪法为广泛的公民权利和政治权利提供了保障，大大加强了对危地马拉公民的保护。它建立了民主和人权的法律框架，为建立一个更加公平的社会奠定了基础。与此同时，阿雷瓦洛引入了一部现代劳动法。该法典赋予工人重要的权利，如集体谈判和将工作日限制在 8 小时。这些措施标志着劳工权利的重大进步，从根本上改变了以往普遍存在的工作条件。除了这些法律和社会改革，阿雷瓦洛政府还发起了一场雄心勃勃的扫盲运动。这一举措旨在通过改善大部分人口的受教育机会来降低危地马拉的高文盲率。其目的是使危地马拉公民获得积极参与国家经济、社会和政治生活所必需的技能。这些改革对危地马拉社会产生了巨大影响，改善了许多公民的生活条件，为建立一个更加公平和民主的社会奠定了基础。虽然阿雷瓦洛的努力面临着各种挑战，包括来自社会某些部门和外国利益集团的反对，但这些努力标志着现代危地马拉的发展迈出了关键一步。

1951 年，雅各布-阿尔本斯开始担任危地马拉总统，他的抱负是实现国家现代化，摆脱外国利益集团的影响。他的目标是遵循资本主义模式，同时重申国家主权。其主要政策是实施雄心勃勃的土地改革。这项改革旨在将外国公司，特别是联合果品公司持有的闲置土地国有化，重新分配给没有土地的危地马拉农民。其目的是解决该国根深蒂固的土地和社会不平等问题，从而为弱势农村人口提供更好的生活机会。然而，这一举措直接影响了美国的经济利益，也触怒了与大型外国公司和富裕地主关系密切的危地马拉精英阶层。这些改革引起了美国的担忧和不信任，美国认为阿尔本斯政府不仅威胁到其商业利益，还可能成为该地区共产主义的盟友。这些紧张局势最终导致艾森豪威尔总统的政府采取了严厉措施。1954 年，美国担心阿尔本斯的政策会助长共产主义在西半球的影响，于是策划了一场针对阿尔本斯的政变。这次干预结束了阿尔本斯政府的统治，使危地马拉进入了政治动荡和镇压时期，成为该国历史上的一个决定性转折点。

危地马拉总统雅各布-阿尔本斯推行的土地改革是对当时该国土地所有权严重不平等现象的大胆回应。一小部分人口（不到 2%）拥有约 70% 的耕地。土地所有权的这种极端集中使得绝大多数农民没有土地，或者只有很小的土地，不足以满足他们的需求。改革的目的是将大种植园的闲置土地重新分配给贫困农民和小农户，以纠正这些不平衡现象。土地改革法允许征用大地主的闲置土地，同时规定根据财产的申报价值进行税收补偿。其基本思想是使这些土地具有生产力，提高国家的农业生产率，并鼓励更公平、更均衡的土地分配。然而，这一举措遭到了强烈反对，特别是联合水果公司（UFC）的反对，该公司是一家实力雄厚的美国公司，在危地马拉拥有大片土地。土地改革对联合果品公司的利益构成了直接威胁，因为该公司担心重新分配会使其失去大部分土地。为了对抗这一政策，联合水果公司向美国政府施加了巨大压力。它将土地改革说成是共产主义倡议，是对美国在该地区经济和战略利益的直接威胁。这一游说活动，再加上人们日益认为危地马拉是共产党影响的沃土，最终说服了美国采取行动。因此，1954 年，在美国的支持下，危地马拉发动政变，推翻了阿尔本斯总统。这次干预不仅结束了土地改革，还引发了危地马拉今后几十年的镇压和政治动荡。阿尔文茨土地改革仍然是地缘政治紧张局势和强大经济利益背景下结构改革复杂性的一个典型例子。

1944 年，在经历了 13 年的独裁统治之后，胡安-何塞-阿雷瓦洛在政治动荡时期结束时当选为危地马拉总统。他提出了一项雄心勃勃的国家民主化和现代化计划。在他担任总统期间，危地马拉发生了重大变化，包括通过了新宪法和引入了现代劳动法。与此同时，他还发起了一场声势浩大的扫盲运动，对大部分文盲进行教育。阿雷瓦洛任期结束后，中左翼领导人雅各布-阿本兹当选总统。他的目标是将危地马拉改造成一个拥有现代资本主义经济的独立国家。1952 年，阿本兹发起了一项大胆的土地改革，授权征用大型种植园的未开垦土地，并由政府支付补偿。这项改革产生了相当大的影响，将大约 70 万公顷的土地分配给了大约 1.8 万个无地农民家庭。然而，阿本斯的土地改革激起了激烈的反对，尤其是美国联合果品公司（UFC）的反对，该公司在危地马拉拥有大片土地。该公司在危地马拉拥有大片土地，其中大部分是休耕地，为公司未来的扩张预留了空间，这与土地改革的目标直接冲突。UFC 对美国政府的反对和影响最终在随后的政治事件中发挥了关键作用，包括 1954 年推翻阿本斯政府的政变。

PBSUCCESS 行动：美国总统德怀特-艾森豪威尔（Dwight D. Eisenhower）和国务卿约翰-福斯特-杜勒斯（John Foster Dulles），1954 年危地马拉 "政变 "的执行者和维护者，该政变废黜了总统雅各布-阿尔本斯-古斯曼（Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán）。

危地马拉政府在雅各布-阿尔本斯总统的领导下，根据土地改革的要求，对联合果品公司未开垦土地的征用给予 627 000 美元的补偿。这一数额是根据该公司自己申报的税值计算的。然而，这一提议遭到了强烈质疑。在危地马拉国内，许多公民支持土地改革，并认为这一补偿是公平的，因为它是以联合果品公司自己的估价为基础的。然而，联合果品公司及其盟友却拒绝接受这一提议，认为它远远不够。他们认为，土地的实际价值远远高于为纳税而申报的价值。在国际上，特别是在美国，这一提议加剧了紧张局势。美国政府受到联合果品公司及其部分成员之间密切联系的影响，认为这项改革可能威胁到美国在该地区的商业利益。此外，在冷战背景下，阿尔文茨政府受到了共产主义的指控。这些指控往往被夸大或没有事实根据，加剧了人们的担忧，并被用来为反对土地改革以及最终美国对危地马拉事务的干预辩护。这些紧张局势和指控助长了不信任和冲突气氛，为 1954 年的政变奠定了基础，政变推翻了阿尔本斯政府，结束了土地改革。这场由中央情报局支持的政变标志着危地马拉历史上的一个重要转折点，并在随后的几十年里对危地马拉的政治和社会产生了深远影响。

美国政府对雅各布-阿尔本斯（Jacobo Árbenz）总统领导的危地马拉政府的土地改革反应强烈，特别是因为联合果品公司的土地被征用。在联合果品公司的压力下，美国政府要求的赔偿远远高于危地马拉提供的赔偿，最高达到最初数额的 25 倍。这一不成比例的要求反映出美国希望保护联合果品公司的商业利益，因为该公司与美国高级官员关系密切。与此同时，对阿本兹总统提出了共产主义指控。这些指责主要是出于冷战言论的动机，而且往往被夸大。尽管如此，这些指控还是为美国政府干预危地马拉提供了便利的借口。危地马拉可能落入苏联之手的想法是美国无法接受的，因为美国试图阻止共产党在西半球的影响。在此背景下，美国中央情报局被授权对阿尔本斯政府开展秘密行动。这些行动包括向危地马拉反对派提供武器和培训，以及美国特工对危地马拉军队进行渗透。这些准备工作为针对阿尔本兹总统的政变奠定了基础。这次政变被称为 "PBSUCCESS 行动"，于 1954 年发动。政变导致阿本兹被推翻，建立了一个更有利于美国利益的政府。政变对危地马拉产生了深远影响，使该国陷入了长达数十年的政治动荡和内部冲突时期。

在此期间，美国的外交政策深受多米诺骨牌理论的影响，根据该理论，一个国家陷入共产主义会导致连锁反应，其他国家也会效仿。这一点在拉丁美洲尤其令人担忧，因为那里的一些国家正经历着政治动荡和革命运动。危地马拉被视为潜在的先驱。美国担心危地马拉成功的左翼政府会成为该地区其他国家的榜样。美国认为，这可能会鼓励和加强拉丁美洲的其他左翼运动，威胁亲美政府和美国在该半球的影响力。对巴拿马运河的战略担忧也发挥了作用。运河对美国的贸易和军事行动至关重要，中美洲力量对比的任何变化都会对运河的控制和安全构成潜在威胁。在此背景下，美国在拉丁美洲乃至整个世界的战略重点是遏制共产主义。这一战略是更广泛的冷战的一部分，在冷战中，美国和苏联争夺全球影响力。对拉丁美洲的干预，如对危地马拉的干预，被视为防止苏联和共产主义势力在西半球扩散的必要措施。

1954 年对危地马拉的干预是冷战期间美国直接参与拉美国家政治事务的典型例子。这次行动被称为 "PBS 成功行动"，由中央情报局策划，标志着危地马拉历史上的一个重要转折点。尽管美洲国家组织（OAS）不支持军事干预，中央情报局还是计划从洪都拉斯发动袭击，让危地马拉的流亡者参与其中。这次行动的兵力相对较少，但通过造谣和心理战，在阿尔本斯的支持者和危地马拉军队中制造混乱和恐惧。阿本斯的辞职为一系列美国支持的军事政权统治危地马拉长达数十年铺平了道路。这些政权的特点往往是严重镇压、侵犯人权和广泛的政治暴力。这一事件经常被作为这一时期美国干涉拉美国家内政的例证。它说明了冷战期间美国的战略和反共优先事项有时是如何导致支持独裁政权、动摇或推翻民选政府的。

雅各布-阿尔本斯（Jacobo Arbenz）在中央情报局策划的政变后被迫辞职，随后流亡国外。他对联合果品公司和美国政府的指控符合当时的现实情况，在美国的外交政策中，美国的商业利益和反共斗争往往是紧密联系在一起的。阿本斯的倒台为危地马拉带来了一段黑暗时期。随后的军事政权以残酷镇压、大规模侵犯人权和缺乏民主自由为特点。这一时期还发生了旷日持久的国内武装冲突，从 1960 年一直持续到 1996 年的和平协议签署。这场冲突造成数十万人受害，尤其是土著居民，给危地马拉社会留下了深深的伤痕。危地马拉的情况经常被作为外国干涉主义有害影响的一个例子，特别是在冷战背景下，当时反对苏联影响的斗争有时成为对目标国家造成灾难性人道主义和政治后果的行动的理由。

在危地马拉，雅各布-阿本兹下台后的那段时期，残酷的镇压和他执政期间推行的许多进步政策都被推翻。在美国支持下夺取政权的军事政权迅速推翻了土地改革，重新建立了先前存在的不平等土地结构，并有利于联合果品公司等大企业的利益。政治镇压十分严厉，那些被认为对政权构成威胁的人，包括活动家、知识分子、工会成员和其他被怀疑同情共产主义的人，遭到逮捕、处决和失踪。维克多-雨果的《悲惨世界》等经典作品被禁就是文化审查的例证，这反映了一种知识压迫和对任何形式的异议或社会批评的恐惧气氛。在此期间，人权遭到严重侵犯，成千上万的人被杀害或失踪，这为旷日持久的血腥内部冲突奠定了基础。这场冲突加剧了社会和政治分裂，对危地马拉人民，尤其是土著社区造成了毁灭性影响。危地马拉这一时期的历史沉痛地提醒我们，外国干涉主义以及地缘政治和经济利益凌驾于人权和民主之上的后果。这一时期留下的伤痕至今仍影响着危地马拉社会。

国民革命时期（1952-1964 年）的玻利维亚是在以冷战为特点的复杂地缘政治背景下尝试社会和经济转型的一个引人入胜的例子。民族主义革命运动（MNR）采取的行动反映了当时大部分玻利维亚人的愿望，他们渴望摆脱盛行了几十年的压迫性社会经济结构。锡矿国有化是恢复国家资源的重要一步。玻利维亚是世界上主要的锡生产国之一，而当时锡矿主要由外国利益集团控制。然而，国有化也引发了与美国及其他公司受到影响的国家之间的紧张关系。与此同时，土地改革旨在将土地从大地主手中重新分配给无地农民，这对于一个土地不平等现象极为严重的国家来说是一次彻底的变革。尽管改革的实施情况参差不齐，但它改变了玻利维亚的农村面貌。这一时期的另一项革命性举措是扩大了土著人民的公民权和选举权，打破了数百年来土著人民被排斥和边缘化的局面。此外，对教育和医疗的投资旨在提高社会最贫困阶层的生活水平。然而，这些改革遇到了重重障碍。来自玻利维亚商界精英的反对、外国利益集团的压力以及国内的经济困难破坏了国家情报局的许多举措。此外，玻利维亚继续面临长期的政治不稳定，政变频发，独裁统治时有发生。尽管面临这些挑战，国民革命还是在玻利维亚历史上留下了不可磨灭的印记。它为边缘化人群更广泛的政治参与铺平了道路，并为未来争取社会和经济正义的斗争奠定了基础。尽管改革并不像某些人所希望的那样激进或持久，但它表明了在面临巨大障碍的情况下进行实质性变革的可能性。

古巴革命

革命的前奏巴蒂斯塔统治下的古巴

1959 年 2 月 16 日，菲德尔-卡斯特罗作为古巴总理签字。

菲德尔-卡斯特罗及其追随者在马埃斯特拉山脉领导的古巴革命是游击战成功的典型范例。起初，这一小撮装备简陋的叛军似乎不可能推翻现政权。然而，由于各种关键因素的综合作用，他们克服了看似不可逾越的障碍。马埃斯特拉山脉本身在为巴蒂斯塔的政府军提供困难地形方面发挥了至关重要的作用。这个多山的地区就像一个天然堡垒，游击队可以在相对安全的情况下藏身、重组和策划行动。菲德尔-卡斯特罗作为一位富有魅力的领袖，是革命成功的决定性因素。他的人格魅力和清晰表达古巴美好未来愿景的能力将许多支持者聚集到他的事业中来。推翻被视为腐败和压迫的巴蒂斯塔独裁统治的承诺深深地打动了古巴人民。叛军采用的游击战术适应了他们的处境。他们避免与人数和装备都占优势的政府军直接对抗，而是选择快速攻击、伏击和游击战术，逐渐消耗对手的体力和士气。从巴蒂斯塔部队缴获武器和军事装备也起到了至关重要的作用。游击队的每一次胜利往往都能夺取宝贵的资源，从而增强他们的战斗力。最后，苏联和其他社会主义国家的支持也是游击队的一大财富。这种支持有多种形式，包括军事供应、培训和外交援助。这些因素--坚持不懈的精神、有效的游击战略、民众的支持、富有魅力的领袖以及外国援助--汇聚在一起，使菲德尔-卡斯特罗及其追随者推翻了巴蒂斯塔政权，并在古巴建立了新政府。

1952 年，富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔发动政变，夺取了古巴政权，开创了独裁和镇压的时代。虽然巴蒂斯塔曾在 20 世纪 40 年代担任过古巴总统，但他重新掌权后进一步巩固了权力，并公然无视民主和人权。巴蒂斯塔政权腐败猖獗，巴蒂斯塔及其核心圈子在经济上获利颇丰。美国公司，尤其是与制糖业有关的公司，在古巴有大量投资，并从美国政府对巴蒂斯塔的支持中获益。这种关系加剧了许多古巴人的不信任和怨恨，他们认为美国是专制独裁者的帮凶。政治压迫、新闻检查和针对反对派的暴力是巴蒂斯塔政权的关键要素。面对这种压迫，反对巴蒂斯塔政府的形式多种多样，既有传统的政党，也有游击队、工会和学生运动。菲德尔-卡斯特罗是反对派的主要人物之一。他后来成为古巴革命的领袖，这场运动旨在推翻巴蒂斯塔，结束其政权的腐败和压迫。卡斯特罗及其支持者的崛起最终导致了与巴蒂斯塔政府的直接对抗，成为古巴历史上一个决定性的转折点。

在古巴，反对富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔的团体和运动错综复杂，其动机和目标各不相同，但每个团体和运动都在反对巴蒂斯塔独裁政权的斗争中发挥了至关重要的作用。爱德华多-奇巴斯（Eduardo Chibás）领导的东正教党是一个重要的政治力量，该党致力于开放政府、反腐败和民主改革，吸引了许多古巴年轻人。奇巴斯的人格魅力是动员民众支持的关键因素。菲德尔-卡斯特罗在 1953 年袭击蒙卡达军营失败后创建的 "7-26 运动 "成为当时最具代表性的革命团体之一。尽管卡斯特罗和其他成员最初被监禁，但该运动仍坚持了下来，在墨西哥流亡期间策划革命。革命指挥部主要由学生组成，他们选择了直接行动的道路来反对巴蒂斯塔。他们参与示威游行并袭击巴蒂斯塔政权的安全部队，这有助于加强对独裁者的压力。古巴工会也发挥了关键作用，他们利用罢工和示威挑战工作条件，反对独裁统治。他们动员工人的能力为抵抗运动增添了一个重要层面。此外，一些左翼团体主张进行激进的社会和经济改革，使反对派更加多元化。这些不同的团体和运动最终在推翻巴蒂斯塔政权这一共同目标上找到了共同点，这一共同点对 1959 年古巴革命的成功起到了决定性作用。巴蒂斯塔倒台后，在菲德尔-卡斯特罗的领导下，古巴发生了翻天覆地的变化，包括工业和土地国有化、建立社会主义政府以及与苏联发展密切关系。这些变革深刻地改变了古巴的政治、经济和社会面貌。

不可否认，菲德尔-卡斯特罗是古巴反对富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔独裁统治的核心人物。他的政治生涯始于 20 世纪 40 年代，1953 年试图推翻巴蒂斯塔的行动失败，随后被监禁。获释后，卡斯特罗流亡到墨西哥，在那里他创立了 "七月二十六日运动"，该运动以游击战的方式反对巴蒂斯塔政权，在古巴革命中发挥了至关重要的作用。但 7 月 26 日运动并不是孤军奋战。东正教党在魅力四射的爱德华多-奇巴斯的领导下，倡导政府透明、打击腐败和民主改革，团结了许多古巴年轻人。革命局主要由学生组成，其突出特点是致力于以直接行动颠覆巴蒂斯塔政权，特别是通过示威游行和袭击政府安全部队。古巴工会在动员工人方面发挥了关键作用，他们组织罢工和示威，抗议工作条件，反对独裁统治。这些工会运动有助于加强对巴蒂斯塔的抵抗。此外，各种左翼团体也开展了激进的社会和经济改革运动，使反对派更加多元化和丰富多彩。这些不同力量围绕推翻巴蒂斯塔政权这一共同目标汇聚在一起，是 1959 年古巴革命取得成功的决定性因素。这种联合促成了菲德尔-卡斯特罗领导下的新政府的成立，为古巴带来了深刻而持久的变革。

1959 年古巴革命是反对派联合起来反对富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔独裁统治的结果，标志着古巴历史上的一个转折点。这场革命给古巴社会带来了深刻而持久的变革，其中包括几项重大变革。其中最重要的变革之一是工业和土地国有化。菲德尔-卡斯特罗的革命政府控制了包括外国公司在内的主要经济部门。其目的是减少外国利益集团对古巴经济的影响，重新分配财富，造福人民。建立社会主义政府也是一项重大变革。卡斯特罗政权实施了社会主义政策，包括为所有古巴人提供免费医疗和教育服务，以及进行土地改革，将土地从大地主手中重新分配给农民。古巴革命还促使古巴与苏联建立了密切联系。这一战略联盟在冷战期间的国际政治中发挥了重要作用，特别是拉近了古巴与共产主义集团的距离。这引起了美国的担忧和紧张，极大地影响了国际关系和冷战的态势。

古巴革命之前，古巴与美国的关系错综复杂。美国政府在经济和军事上支持富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔政权，而美国公司则对古巴经济进行了大量投资。然而，美国对巴蒂斯塔的支持却极不受古巴人民的欢迎，古巴人民认为美国支持的是一个残暴、镇压和腐败的独裁者。面对 20 世纪 50 年代古巴革命的崛起，美国政府对革命运动采取了敌对立场。美国试图诋毁菲德尔-卡斯特罗，并考虑消灭他的计划。然而，这些企图并没有阻止革命取得成功。1959 年，卡斯特罗领导的革命力量推翻了巴蒂斯塔，标志着古巴政治的重大变革。卡斯特罗的崛起和古巴社会主义政府的建立对古巴和美国之间的关系产生了深远影响。这一时期开启了一个紧张和对立的时代，这种紧张和对立贯穿了整个冷战时期，主要原因是古巴与苏联结盟。这一动态影响了国际政策，也是这一时期美国与古巴关系复杂化的关键因素。

1956 年，菲德尔-卡斯特罗、切-格瓦拉及其游击队登陆古巴，史称 "格拉玛远征"，这是他们推翻富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔政权斗争的起点。虽然他们的第一次尝试失败了，登陆后不久发生的一场灾难性冲突使他们的大部分人丧生，但卡斯特罗、格瓦拉和其他几名幸存者设法逃到马埃斯特拉山脉避难。正是在这些山区，卡斯特罗和他的同伴们开始与巴蒂斯塔的部队展开游击战。他们利用该地区复杂的地形发动突然袭击，并采取有效的游击战术。在此期间，卡斯特罗成功塑造了社会改革者的形象，公开批评巴蒂斯塔政权的腐败和弊端。他对社会正义和平等的呼吁引起了古巴大部分民众的共鸣，有助于提高他的民众支持率。随着时间的推移，卡斯特罗革命运动的力量和影响力不断扩大。游击队赢得军事胜利的能力以及他们对社会改革的承诺吸引了越来越多的古巴人支持他们的事业。这种态势逐渐削弱了民众和军队对巴蒂斯塔政权的支持。1959 年，革命力量最终成功推翻了巴蒂斯塔政府，给古巴带来了深刻而持久的变革。在卡斯特罗的领导下，古巴革命实现了工业和土地国有化，推行了社会和教育改革，并建立了社会主义政府。这些变革不仅在古巴，而且在更广泛的世界政治背景下，特别是在冷战时期，都产生了相当大的影响。

美国中央情报局企图消灭菲德尔-卡斯特罗的行动有据可查，是冷战时期最具争议的事件之一。这些计划往往很奢侈，有时甚至很牵强，包括毒杀卡斯特罗、用雪茄炸弹炸死他以及其他各种方法。这些暗杀企图有很多原因。美国将卡斯特罗视为对其在西半球影响力的重大威胁，尤其是因为他与苏联的联系。此外，卡斯特罗的国有化政策影响了在古巴的美国公司，他的反美言论加剧了紧张局势。尽管遭到多次暗杀，但卡斯特罗每次都挺了过来，巩固了他在逆境中不可战胜的领袖形象。他抵御中央情报局阴谋的能力为他增添了传奇色彩，巩固了他作为抵抗美帝国主义象征的地位。在卡斯特罗的领导下，古巴不仅建立了社会主义政权，还成为苏联的战略盟友，在冷战动态中发挥了关键作用，尤其是在 1962 年古巴导弹危机期间。古巴革命和卡斯特罗的崛起也对拉丁美洲产生了深远影响，激励了该地区的其他革命和反帝运动。这有助于塑造美国与拉美国家之间多年的关系，往往加剧了不信任和紧张局势。

1959 年 1 月 1 日是古巴和世界历史上的一个重要里程碑。菲德尔-卡斯特罗和他的革命军抵达哈瓦那，富尔亨西奥-巴蒂斯塔出逃，标志着一个时代的结束和另一个时代的开始。古巴革命的成功不仅改变了古巴的发展轨迹，也对国际政治产生了深远影响。卡斯特罗进行了大刀阔斧的改革，影响到古巴社会的方方面面。工业国有化，尤其是对古巴经济至关重要的制糖业，是对美国利益的重大打击。土地改革推翻了传统的土地结构，将土地重新分配给农民。对教育和医疗保健的投资对古巴人民的生活水平产生了持久的积极影响。鉴于卡斯特罗政府所采取的方向，与美国关系的恶化几乎是不可避免的。美国实施的贸易禁运是为了向古巴政权施压，但却使古巴更加接近苏联。这一联盟不仅为古巴提供了重要的经济和军事支持，还将古巴岛变成了冷战的重要战场。1962 年的古巴导弹危机是冷战中最紧张的时刻之一，当时苏联在古巴领土上安装了导弹，将世界带到了核战争的边缘。在拉丁美洲，古巴革命为其他左翼和革命运动提供了灵感和榜样。在西半球，一个社会主义国家的存在离美国如此之近，几十年来对美国构成了重大的意识形态和战略挑战。

革命的第一步

1956 年 12 月，当菲德尔-卡斯特罗与他的兄弟劳尔和切-格瓦拉一起抵达古巴时，许多古巴人起初对他们持怀疑和不相信态度。许多人怀疑一小群反叛分子能否成功推翻巴蒂斯塔政权。卡斯特罗和他的支持者在马埃斯特拉山脉的山区避难，在那里他们得到了同情他们事业的当地农民的支持。随着时间的推移，卡斯特罗及其支持者通过游击战术和赢得当地社区的支持，逐渐壮大了自己的力量。他们利用对地形的了解和民众的支持，对巴蒂斯塔的部队发动快速、机动的攻击。他们的运动日益壮大，吸引了巴蒂斯塔军队的逃兵、当地志愿者甚至古巴其他地区的同情者。与此同时，巴蒂斯塔政权开始显现出软弱的迹象，出现了腐败问题，民众的不满情绪日益高涨。卡斯特罗有效地利用媒体来传播他的信息，吸引国际社会的关注，从而巩固了他的事业。卡斯特罗从一个看似孤注一掷的事业转变成了一支能够推翻既有独裁者的革命力量。卡斯特罗和他的支持者能够在许多人认为他们会失败的时候取得成功，靠的是战略、民众支持、坚韧不拔的精神以及围绕共同愿景鼓舞和动员民众的能力。

20 世纪 50 年代的古巴动荡不安，当菲德尔-卡斯特罗和他的叛军在马埃斯特拉山脉作战时，城市地区的动荡也在加剧。许多古巴人不满巴蒂斯塔政权的压迫和腐败，动员起来表达不满。学生、工会成员、知识分子和普通市民参加了抗议、罢工和其他非暴力反抗行动。这些城市运动对削弱巴蒂斯塔的支持基础和说明全国范围的不满情绪至关重要。示威者利用一切机会谴责政权的腐败、暴力和镇压。巴蒂斯塔的每一次镇压行动都只会激起更多的民愤，给政权造成恶性循环。然而，卡斯特罗及其支持者所采用的游击战术最终给了巴蒂斯塔决定性的一击。叛军以山区为掩护，发动突然袭击，逐渐削弱了巴蒂斯塔的力量，并将影响力扩展到广大农村地区。这种游击战略与城市动乱相结合，给巴蒂斯塔造成了双重威胁。随着反叛力量的壮大和可信度的提高，它吸引了那些在古巴寻求变革的人。新招募的人员使叛军队伍不断壮大，他们的势头似乎无法抵挡。最后，1959 年，面对广泛的反对和日益恶化的军事形势，巴蒂斯塔逃离了古巴，标志着他的政权结束，古巴在卡斯特罗的领导下进入了一个新时代。

1959 年 1 月 8 日，卡斯特罗（右）与他的革命同志卡米洛-西恩富戈斯（Camilo Cienfuegos）一起进入哈瓦那。

1958 年，古巴革命迎来了决定性的转折点，这一年对菲德尔-卡斯特罗和他的游击队来说至关重要。此时，革命运动已大大加强。叛军建立了强大的军事结构，现在有能力对巴蒂斯塔的部队发起更大胆、更大规模的行动。然而，巴蒂斯塔的下台并不仅仅是因为叛军的日益成功。国际环境，尤其是美国的态度也是一个关键因素。最初，美国政府给予巴蒂斯塔相当大的支持，包括提供武器和其他援助。但随着古巴革命愈演愈烈，巴蒂斯塔政权的镇压越来越残酷，美国开始重新评估自己的立场。1958 年 3 月，美国暂停向古巴运送武器，标志着美国政策的一个转折。巴蒂斯塔政府践踏人权的行为日益受到关注，这一决定对冲突产生了重大影响。由于失去了重要的军事资源，巴蒂斯塔政权的优势被迅速削弱。与此同时，卡斯特罗领导的游击队不断壮大，并扩大了对古巴领土的控制。1958 年底，叛军策划了一系列胜利的军事行动，极大地削弱了巴蒂斯塔的力量。叛军的军事胜利和美国支持的撤出为巴蒂斯塔的倒台创造了理想的条件。1959 年 1 月 1 日，巴蒂斯塔离开古巴，把战场留给了菲德尔-卡斯特罗领导的反叛军，卡斯特罗因此宣布古巴革命胜利，标志着古巴进入了一个新时代。

菲德尔-卡斯特罗和古巴革命的思想轨迹与马克思列宁主义密不可分，尽管在他领导下的所有战士并不一定都坚持这一学说。卡斯特罗倾向于社会主义是多种因素共同作用的结果。20 世纪 40 年代和 50 年代，他在哈瓦那当激进的学生，在此期间，他坚定了自己的政治信念。他对马克思主义理论的深入研究，加上对苏联及其当时领导人约瑟夫-斯大林的崇拜，强烈地影响了他的世界观。早在古巴革命胜利之前，卡斯特罗和他的盟友就制定了一项旨在古巴建立社会主义国家的政治纲领。该纲领强调激进的改革，包括土地改革、改善工人权利和关键产业国有化。巴蒂斯塔倒台后，这一方案迅速得到实施。主要产业被国有化，土地重新分配给农民。古巴还与苏联建立了密切联系，苏联成为卡斯特罗政府重要的经济和军事支持。随着时间的推移，卡斯特罗对马克思列宁主义的承诺越来越坚定。1965 年，他正式宣布古巴革命是社会主义革命。卡斯特罗与苏联的关系演变为战略联盟，使他成为国际共产主义运动的核心人物。这一联盟不仅塑造了古巴的国内政治，也对国际政治产生了重大影响，尤其是在冷战时期。

1959 年 1 月，菲德尔-卡斯特罗领导的古巴革命胜利，标志着古巴历史的转折点。尽管起义者尚未制定详细的政府计划，但他们遵循基本原则和目标。这些目标反映了他们对一个摆脱美国影响、满足人民基本需求的变革中的古巴的渴望。当务之急包括实现国家独立、为众多失业者创造就业机会、改善农村地区的生活条件以及扩大教育和医疗服务的覆盖面。新政府上台后的头几个月，就开始通过各种政策措施来实现这些目标。政府启动了雄心勃勃的土地改革，旨在征用大庄园，将土地重新分配给小农和农民。其目的是减少土地不平等，促进农业生产。与此同时，还努力改善医疗保健和教育的普及，并特别关注过去经常被忽视的农村地区。然而，这些改革遇到了障碍和阻力。古巴和美国强大的经济利益集团都将这些变革视为威胁。尽管面临这些挑战，卡斯特罗和他的盟友仍继续发展他们的政治纲领，逐渐转向马克思列宁主义和建立社会主义国家的思想。这种意识形态的演变导致了更加激进的改革以及与苏联日益密切的关系。多年来，古巴政府巩固了其社会主义政权，给古巴岛的历史和政治打上了深刻的烙印。

由菲德尔-卡斯特罗及其盟友发起的古巴革命的最初方案是基于民族独立、社会公正和改善古巴人民生活条件等原则。这些理想反映了变革和改革的愿望，但并没有明确要求建立一个全面发展的共产主义政府。尽管有这些初衷，美国很快就对古巴革命运动产生了怀疑。美国认为古巴革命可能威胁到其在该地区的利益，并担心古巴可能成为苏联或其他共产主义国家的盟友。这种看法植根于冷战政治，在冷战中，战略和意识形态利益主导着国际关系。随着时间的推移，古巴革命的意识形态朝着更加强调社会主义和建立计划经济的方向发展。这一演变加剧了古巴与美国之间的紧张关系。面对卡斯特罗政权的巩固及其与苏联的和解，美国对古巴采取了日益敌对的立场。美国采取各种行动破坏古巴革命，包括试图进行政治干预和经济制裁。这些行动是冷战期间美国干预拉丁美洲的广泛政策的一部分。这一政策的动机往往不仅是对共产主义的恐惧，也是为了维持美国在该地区的经济和政治主导地位。作为对美国政策的回应，古巴加强了与苏联和其他社会主义国家的联系，在社会主义道路上越走越远，进一步加剧了与美国的紧张关系。

菲德尔-卡斯特罗及其支持者意识到美国和其他外部势力的威胁，这在他们巩固和保护古巴革命的过程中发挥了核心作用。意识到危在旦夕，他们采取了多项战略来捍卫革命成果。首先，优先加强古巴军队，使国家能够抵御任何外国干涉。在冷战背景下，这一点至关重要，因为国际紧张局势很容易导致武装冲突。其次，与苏联建立密切关系是一项关键战略。这一联盟为古巴提供了重要的经济、军事和外交支持，加强了古巴在国际舞台上的地位和抵御美国压力的能力。第三，在古巴民众中培养强烈的民族主义和反帝意识有助于将人民团结在革命周围。这有助于建立集体的民族认同感，激发对革命事业的支持。然而，卡斯特罗政府也对异议和内部反对派采取了顽固的态度。不容忍任何挑战政府权威的行为，并对那些被视为反革命分子的人进行定期清洗，这些都反映了卡斯特罗政权采取的强硬路线。采取这种做法的部分原因是出于一种紧迫感和危机感，担心内部颠覆或外部干预。随着时间的推移，革命的基础越来越牢固，古巴政府对不同政见的容忍度也略有提高。然而，革命初期遗留下来的以中央集权和一党制为特征的做法，多年来继续强烈影响着古巴政治。这种做法对古巴的政治和社会格局产生了持久的影响，决定了古巴至今的演变。

由菲德尔-卡斯特罗策划的古巴革命的政治轨迹是一个充满细微差别的主题，既令人钦佩，也招致批评。可以从多个角度评估卡斯特罗及其政府的方法和成就，包括建立支持联盟和维持权力的战略。建立支持联盟在革命初期至关重要。社会正义和国家独立的目标吸引了广泛的支持，引起了许多在巴蒂斯塔政权下感到被边缘化或受压迫的古巴人的共鸣。以反对美国影响为表现形式的反帝国主义也是巩固民众支持的一个关键因素。与此同时，卡斯特罗在管理权力方面也采取了多种策略。围绕其魅力四射的形象建立个人崇拜，在动员群众和集中权力方面发挥了至关重要的作用。与这种方法相辅相成的是对持不同政见者和潜在对手的清洗，以消除对卡斯特罗权力的挑战。然而，这一战略因不符合民主原则而受到批评。关于古巴革命的观点分歧很大。一方面，一些批评者认为，中央集权和一党制压制了政治多元化，损害了言论自由和革命的民主潜力。另一方面，革命的捍卫者指出了在社会公正、教育和医疗保健方面取得的成就，以及对外国势力的抵制。他们认为，面对持续不断的外部威胁，所采取的措施是必要的。

菲德尔-卡斯特罗及其政府与古巴共产党（CPC）的结盟是一个复杂而有争议的话题，目前仍在激烈争论中。一方面，古巴共产党确实长期反对巴蒂斯塔独裁统治，拥有坚实的基础设施和坚定的战斗基础。卡斯特罗原本不是共产主义者，他认为与中国共产党结盟是巩固革命政权的务实机会。这一联盟为革命政府提供了强大的组织结构和额外的意识形态合法性。随着时间的推移，这种关系得到了加强，共产主义成为古巴政府的官方意识形态，而中国共产党则是唯一合法的政党。另一方面，一些古巴革命的批评者认为这一发展偏离了革命的最初理想，即以社会正义、独立和反帝为中心。他们认为，实行共产主义导致权力更加集中，政治和公民自由受到限制。另一方面，另一些人则认为，这种结盟是一种战略需要，使古巴能够抵御外部压力，尤其是来自美国和其他西方大国的压力。他们还认为，这种结盟使古巴得以进行社会和经济改革，使许多古巴人受益。关于古巴历史上这一时期的辩论两极分化严重，反映了对权力、意识形态和外交政策等问题的不同观点。这种两极分化凸显了古巴历史的复杂性，以及调和关于古巴革命遗产的不同世界观的难度。

菲德尔-卡斯特罗 1959 年 1 月从圣地亚哥向哈瓦那的胜利进军是古巴历史上的关键时刻，对于动员和凝聚古巴人民投身革命事业至关重要。卡斯特罗和他的支持者在穿越古巴岛时，激起了民众的热情，大批群众把他们当作英雄来迎接。这一事件在建立对新政府的支持和确立卡斯特罗作为国家领导人的合法性方面发挥了根本性的作用。在游行过程中，卡斯特罗巧妙地利用演讲和公开会议传达了他对一个基于社会正义、独立和反对帝国主义价值观的全新古巴的愿景。他阐述了一项计划，旨在解决古巴人，特别是工人阶级和农村人口的关切和愿望，他们在巴蒂斯塔独裁统治下长期受到忽视或压迫。在随后的几个月里，卡斯特罗政府加大了动员民众支持的力度，组织群众集会，鼓励基层组织，并推动对卡斯特罗的个人崇拜。这些策略有效地巩固了广泛的支持，尤其是在那些从革命承诺的改革中获益最多的人群中。因此，"卡斯特罗大游行 "不仅仅是一次简单的胜利庆祝活动：它是建立新政府权威、树立民族团结意识、将民众的力量引导到建设新古巴的决定性时刻。这一时期为卡斯特罗领导下的古巴社会和经济的彻底变革奠定了基础。

创建或重组群众组织（1959-1961 年）

1959 年革命胜利后，菲德尔-卡斯特罗娴熟地利用媒体，这是他巩固政权和动员民众支持其政府的战略的关键组成部分。电视和广播尤其是传播革命信息的重要平台，在古巴各地拥有广泛的受众。卡斯特罗的演讲通常长篇大论，慷慨激昂，定期在电视和广播上播出。在这些演讲中，他将自己定位为富有魅力的领袖和古巴人民利益的忠实仆人。他以爱国主义、民族自豪感和对美好生活的憧憬为主题，把革命及其政府计划说成是实现这些愿望的途径。卡斯特罗的民粹主义方法，加上他的演说才能和通过媒体进行有效沟通的能力，对于赢得广泛的民众支持至关重要。他的演讲并不是简单地传递信息，而是为了唤起民众的情感，激发他们的斗志，并将他们动员到一个共同的项目上来。通过将自己定位为古巴主权的捍卫者和人民愿望的捍卫者，卡斯特罗能够利用古巴社会根深蒂固的情感。在革命后的岁月里，卡斯特罗团结民众支持其政府事业的能力在建立民族团结意识和维护其政权合法性方面发挥了根本性的作用。卡斯特罗及其政府对媒体的掌控不仅有助于传播革命信息，还塑造了公众舆论，增强了古巴革命愿景和目标的凝聚力。

建立和重组群众组织是菲德尔-卡斯特罗及其政府在 1959 年革命胜利后动员古巴人民、巩固政权的一项重要战略。这些组织旨在涵盖社会各阶层，成为传播革命理想、进行社会监督和控制的渠道。保卫革命委员会（CDR）成立于 1960 年，其使命是提高社区内的社会和政治警惕性。它们负责监督反革命活动，确保公民对政府的忠诚。这些委员会在使革命政府立足于居民区和当地社区方面发挥了重要作用。全国小农协会（ANAP）旨在团结小农，使他们支持政府的土地改革计划。通过让农民参与革命性的农业政策，全国小农协会帮助扩大了政府在农村地区的影响力，促进了土地改革。古巴妇女联合会（FMC）成立于 1960 年，旨在促进性别平等并将妇女纳入政府的社会和经济项目。通过其工作，古巴妇女联合会在动员妇女和促进妇女权利方面发挥了重要作用，从而帮助扩大了政府的支持基础。青年共产党员联盟（UJC）旨在围绕革命政府的原则和目标教育和动员古巴青年。通过让年轻人积极参与，共青团联盟帮助后代继承了革命理想。除这些新机构外，大学生联合会和古巴工人联合会等现有团体也被纳入群众组织网络，并置于政府控制之下。古巴共产党在支持和指导这些组织、为其提供组织援助和政治指导方面发挥了至关重要的作用。依靠这些组织，卡斯特罗及其政府得以编织密集的群众支持网络，巩固对古巴社会的控制，并推进其革命计划。这些群众组织对于维持革命的社会凝聚力和确保各阶层民众积极参与建设新古巴至关重要。

从哈瓦那到比那尔德里奥途中，CDR 在乡村的 "社会主义万岁 "广告牌。

保卫革命委员会（CDR）是卡斯特罗政府在古巴革命初期建立的社会和政治基础设施的基石之一。这些委员会成立于 1960 年，迅速遍布全岛，形成了一个规模庞大的地方组织网络。它们的主要职责是侦查和防止被视为反革命的活动。它们在社区内充当监督者，密切关注其成员的行为和活动。社区发展委员会还负责在地方一级宣传和执行政府的公共卫生和社会政策。他们组织疫苗接种运动、清洁卫生活动，并在食品和其他必需品的分配方面发挥作用。此外，社区发展与重建委员会还负责传播政府宣传信息，动员公众支持政府举措和项目。这种群众动员对于民众支持政府的政策、保持围绕革命理想的统一和团结意识至关重要。然而，CDR 的监督功能受到了强烈批评。它们往往被视为社会控制的工具，使政府能够监视每个人的活动，镇压任何形式的异议。许多人认为，收集公民信息和持续监视居民区是对个人自由的侵犯，也是一种政治压迫。

在古巴的革命经历中，公开和广泛鼓励加入保卫革命委员会（CDR）发挥了核心作用。到 20 世纪 60 年代初，古巴大部分成年人都加入了保卫革命委员会，使这些委员会成为岛上日常生活中无处不在的一部分。在政府看来，这一庞大的成员队伍是对革命及其目标的肯定。社区发展委员会是动员民众的有效渠道，使政府能够迅速在全社会传达其政策和倡议。通过积极动员公民参与社区活动、健康运动、教育项目，甚至是维持社区治安，政府得以加强对古巴社会的控制，并促进围绕革命原则的统一和团结意识。然而，CDRs 在古巴生活中无处不在，同样也引发了争议和批评。在一些人看来，社区发展研究中心是一种镇压和控制的工具，被政府用来监视公民的活动，压制任何反对或不同意见。许多人认为，监视居民区和收集个人资料是对隐私和个人自由的侵犯。归根结底，"社区发展报告 "说明了古巴革命经历的复杂性，既体现了公民参与和民众参与的形式，也体现了控制和监视的机制。这种双重性反映了古巴革命中固有的紧张关系，一方面是对自治和社会正义的渴望，另一方面是对权力集中和个人自由的限制。

古巴革命初期，保卫革命委员会（CDR）的规模和范围令人瞩目。20 世纪 60 年代初，保卫革命委员会拥有 200 多万成员，是一支相当庞大的力量，深深扎根于古巴的社会和政治结构之中。他们几乎参与了古巴日常生活的方方面面，这反映了古巴革命试图建立自己并动员民众支持的方式。民革的组织结构通过社区、工作场所和学校的地方委员会开展活动，从而能够与民众进行直接和持续的互动。这些地方委员会负责实施政府倡议、社区监督和促进公民参与。社区发展委员会的成员主要是志愿者，这一事实证明了许多古巴人对革命理想的承诺和热情。这些志愿者往往热衷于社会正义和民族自治的目标，在传播革命原则和在地方一级执行政府政策方面发挥了至关重要的作用。然而，区域发展委员会的广泛影响力及其在监督和控制公民活动方面的作用也引发了对人权和个人自由的担忧。批评者经常指出，地区发展委员会干涉了古巴人的私人生活，并在限制不同政见方面发挥了作用。总体而言，古巴革命委员会表明了古巴政府在保持对社会严密控制的同时让民众参与革命进程的策略，这一策略既有效又饱受争议。

卡斯特罗政府创建各种群众组织是让不同阶层的民众参与古巴革命、实施社会和政治改革的一项重要战略。1960 年 8 月成立的古巴妇女联合会（FMC）是古巴促进性别平等和妇女权利的重要支柱。古巴妇女联合会动员妇女积极参与国家的政治和社会生活，同时努力改善她们的生活和工作条件。通过鼓励妇女参与革命活动和政府方案，古巴妇女联合会在将妇女纳入公共和专业领域方面发挥了关键作用。革命青年协会（AJR）也成立于 1960 年，旨在动员古巴青年支持革命。革命青年协会鼓励青年参与政治和社会活动，尤其积极参与扫盲运动和捍卫革命的活动。年轻人的参与对于加强革命的支持基础以及培养新一代接受和促进革命理想至关重要。全国小农协会（ANAP）成立于 1961 年，旨在支持和动员小农。全国小农协会致力于土地改革，改善在前政权统治下被边缘化的小农的生活条件。通过促进农业合作社的发展和小农参与革命进程，ANAP 在古巴农业部门的转型中发挥了关键作用。这些组织帮助创建了一个更具包容性的古巴社会，并围绕革命原则进行动员，在促进政府总体愿景的同时，解决特定群体的问题并满足他们的需求。

古巴革命后，菲德尔-卡斯特罗及其政府开始了巩固政权的进程，采取了严厉措施，包括镇压所有政治反对派。反对新政权或表达不同意见的人很快遭到镇压，导致许多古巴人流亡国外。镇压的形式包括逮捕、监禁，有时甚至处决。与此同时，古巴共产党（PCC）成为占主导地位的政治机构，集中了政治权力，事实上消除了政治多元化。权力集中在古巴共产党手中被视为实现革命理想的关键。作为向社会主义模式过渡的一部分，许多企业和行业被国有化，建立了对经济的集中控制。这些国有化旨在重新分配财富、根除资本主义剥削并建立基于集中计划和平等原则的经济体系。这些措施虽然旨在加强和巩固古巴革命，但却引起了人们对人权和公民自由的严重关切。对多党民主的限制、对言论自由的压制以及对政治权利的限制一直受到国际社会的批评。卡斯特罗政权的人权记录仍存在争议，对于革命的社会成就与对个人自由的限制之间的平衡存在不同意见。

菲德尔-卡斯特罗领导的古巴政府在掌权后开展了一个巩固政权的进程，导致权力高度集中。这种集中表现为一小撮领导人控制着政府的最高层。作为巩固权力的一部分，卡斯特罗政权对任何形式的政治异见者实施镇压措施。言论和集会自由受到严格限制，媒体和宗教机构受到国家的严格控制。这些政策因其对人权和民主的负面影响而受到许多国际观察家的广泛批评。虽然古巴政府采纳了以国有化和经济计划政策为特征的社会主义意识形态，但社会主义的一些基本特征，如工人对生产资料的控制，确实没有在古巴得到充分实施。相反，政府一直保持着对经济的集中控制，限制了所有权的多样性和独立企业的存在。这种做法不可避免地导致经济权力集中在国家手中。古巴的政策和政治制度一直是并将继续是激烈和有争议的辩论主题。人们对古巴政权的性质及其成就众说纷纭。一些人认为，古巴政府在为民众提供教育和医疗保健等基本服务方面取得了重大进展。但也有人指出，对公民和政治自由的限制是该政权的一个关键方面。古巴制度在多大程度上可以被称为社会主义和民主制度，仍然是一个争论不休、众说纷纭的话题。批评者往往侧重于该政权的独裁方面，而支持者则强调其社会成就和对帝国主义霸权的抵抗。

Diplomacy and economic reform

Cuban foreign policy after the revolution was strongly influenced by the internationalist aspirations and socialist ideals of Fidel Castro's government. Ernesto "Che" Guevara, as the emblematic figure of the Cuban revolution, played a central role in the formulation and implementation of this foreign policy. Che Guevara was a fervent advocate of revolutionary internationalism, firmly believing in the need to support liberation movements around the world. His influence was particularly felt in Cuba's efforts to establish diplomatic and economic ties with non-aligned countries or those sharing socialist ideals. His trips to Asia, Africa and Latin America were aimed at strengthening solidarity between Cuba and the revolutionary movements and progressive governments of these regions. In Africa, Guevara gave significant support to national liberation movements fighting against colonial and imperial domination. His involvement on the African continent, and in particular his role in establishing diplomatic relations with newly independent African countries, marked a significant turning point in Cuba's international relations. This revolutionary diplomacy, initiated and carried forward by figures such as Guevara, solidified Cuba's reputation as a key player in world affairs, particularly during the Cold War. International solidarity efforts and an unconventional approach to diplomacy not only shaped Cuban foreign policy, but also had a lasting impact on Cuba's relations with other nations. These relations were often rooted in a shared ideology, a common struggle against imperialism, and a desire to create a more equal and just world.

Ernesto "Che" Guevara was an ardent advocate of the expansion of the Cuban revolution beyond the island's borders. He saw the Cuban revolution as a potential model for other countries seeking social and economic justice. Che Guevara was also critical of Cuba's historical dependence on the United States and aspired to diversify Cuba's international relations in order to strengthen its political and economic independence. Under the post-revolutionary Cuban government, a number of economic reforms were undertaken. Among them, the nationalisation of foreign industries, the creation of state-owned enterprises and the collectivisation of agriculture were measures designed to reduce Cuba's economic dependence on the United States and establish a socialist economic model. However, these policies were not without their challenges, including management problems, shortages of essential goods, and disincentives for workers. Faced with these challenges, the Cuban government experimented with different economic models over time. The "Special Peacetime Period" in the 1990s, a period of economic crisis following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the loss of its support for Cuba, prompted the government to introduce market reforms to stimulate the economy. These reforms included allowing the use of foreign currency, developing tourism, and creating special economic zones. Under Raul Castro, more recent economic reforms have been introduced, including reducing the size of the public sector and encouraging foreign investment. However, the country remains committed to socialism, with the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) playing a central role in the country's economic and political planning.

The agrarian reform implemented by the Cuban government in 1959 was a central initiative of the Castro revolution. The aim of this reform was to redistribute land in favour of peasants and small farmers, in order to put an end to inequalities in land ownership and promote a fairer distribution of land. The impact of this agrarian reform on Cuban agriculture was considerable. It put an end to the era of large landholdings, redistributing land to those who actually worked it. This change enabled small farmers and agricultural cooperatives to prosper, while eliminating the control of large companies and landowners over vast tracts of land. As a result, the reform strengthened popular support for Castro's government, particularly among the rural population. Alongside land reform, the Cuban government also nationalised several key industries, including sugar, banking and energy. These nationalisations were aimed at increasing state control over the Cuban economy, reducing the influence of foreign companies, and steering the economy towards socialist policies. These measures marked one of the Castro government's first steps towards creating a socialist economic model in Cuba. However, these reforms have had significant economic consequences. They provoked tensions with the United States and led to the loss of economic aid and foreign investment. In addition, the nationalisations were accompanied by a difficult period of adjustment for the Cuban economy, posing challenges in terms of management and productivity.

The economic and social transformation undertaken by the Cuban government under Fidel Castro in the 1960s was marked by a series of ambitious nationalisations. These nationalisations affected a wide range of industries, from oil and electricity to sugar, transport, the media and other key sectors of the Cuban economy. The main aim of these nationalisations was to put an end to the influence of private companies, both domestic and foreign, and to establish state control over these sectors. The nationalisation process took place gradually and, by 1968, the vast majority of private companies in Cuba had either been nationalised or expropriated by the State. As a result, the ownership and management of these companies were now centralised in the hands of the Cuban state. This nationalisation policy was an essential part of Cuba's transition to a socialist economic model, characterised by a dominant role for the state in planning and managing the economy. However, this strategy also had important consequences. In particular, the nationalisation of companies led to a breakdown in economic relations with the United States and other Western countries that had economic interests in Cuba. This situation contributed to Cuba's economic isolation on the international stage and had lasting economic repercussions for the country.

Social reforms

Cuba's literacy campaign, launched in 1961, represents one of the Cuban government's most remarkable post-revolutionary social initiatives. This ambitious campaign mobilised over 700,000 volunteers, mainly young people, who were deployed throughout the country, particularly in rural areas, to teach reading and writing to peasants and other citizens who were previously illiterate. This massive initiative has produced impressive results: in the space of just one year, the illiteracy rate in Cuba has been considerably reduced, from around 23% to less than 4%. In addition to the literacy campaign, the Cuban government also introduced a series of other social reforms aimed at improving the population's quality of life. These reforms included measures such as improving working conditions, increasing wages and reducing rents. Together, these initiatives aimed to reduce inequality, promote education and guarantee basic social rights for all Cubans. These reforms have had a significant impact on Cuban society, helping to raise education levels and improve living conditions. They have also strengthened popular support for the revolutionary government by focusing on concrete measures to improve the well-being of the population.

The early years of the Cuban Revolution were marked by profound social and economic transformations. The revolutionary government, led by Fidel Castro, initiated a series of ambitious programmes and policies aimed at improving the daily lives of Cubans and reducing the persistent inequalities in society. The 1961 literacy campaign is an emblematic example of these efforts. Thanks to this initiative, the illiteracy rate in Cuba was considerably reduced, giving a large proportion of the population access to education and better opportunities. Housing reform was also a priority, aimed at improving living conditions by reducing rents and ensuring fairer access to housing. This policy has played a key role in reducing housing inequalities and has contributed to a better quality of life for many Cubans. The government has also adopted important economic and agrarian measures. Agrarian reform has redistributed land, ending the dominance of large estates and enabling many peasants and small farmers to benefit from fairer ownership. At the same time, higher wages and lower rents sought to alleviate poverty and promote a fairer distribution of resources. These changes have had a lasting impact on Cuban society, forging a more egalitarian social landscape and strengthening popular support for the revolutionary government. However, these policies have also led to challenges and tensions, particularly with the United States and other international actors, due to the nationalisation and socialist orientation of the regime.

The nationalisation of private industries and foreign-owned assets by the Cuban government after the revolution was aimed at reorganising the country's economy along socialist lines. This policy aimed to redistribute wealth and use the country's resources for the collective benefit, in line with socialist ideology. These reforms led to significant changes in Cuba's economic and social structure. Many Cubans, particularly the poorer classes, have benefited from a better distribution of resources, increased access to basic services such as health and education, and an improved quality of life. However, these policies have also led to international tensions, particularly with the United States. The nationalisation of assets owned by US companies, without adequate compensation, was seen as a hostile act by the US. This fuelled Cold War tensions and contributed to the deterioration of relations between Cuba and the United States. In response, the United States imposed a trade embargo on Cuba, which remains in place to this day. This embargo has had significant economic consequences for Cuba, contributing to the country's economic isolation and persistent economic challenges.

The United States versus Cuba: A confrontation that has lasted for decades

Photographie de deux hommes se serrant la main tandis que de nombreux observateurs applaudissent.

Meeting between Fidel Castro and Khrushchev in 1961.

Before the Cuban revolution, the United States supported the regime of Fulgencio Batista, which was considered an ally in the Caribbean region. Batista, although authoritarian and responsible for numerous human rights violations, was favourable to American investment and to companies operating in Cuba. Many American companies enjoyed close relations with the Batista government, particularly in the sugar sector, as well as in gambling and services. However, the situation changed radically after Fidel Castro and his revolutionary movement took power in 1959. Castro quickly implemented radical reforms, including the nationalisation of US companies and land reform, which led to the confiscation of land held by US nationals and companies. These actions, combined with Castro's anti-imperialist rhetoric and growing links with the Soviet Union, raised serious concerns in the United States about the spread of communism in the Western Hemisphere. In response, the US adopted a hostile policy towards the Castro regime, seeking to isolate the island economically and diplomatically. This included the total trade embargo imposed in 1960 and a series of other measures aimed at destabilising the Cuban government, including the failed Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961, where Cuban exiles, backed by the CIA, attempted to overthrow Castro. The fear of the spread of communism in the Western Hemisphere was also a major preoccupation of US national security doctrine during the Cold War, and has been a key element of US foreign policy in the region. Cuba became a centrepiece of Cold War tensions, culminating in the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, when the Soviet Union attempted to deploy nuclear missiles on the island, just 90 miles off the coast of Florida. This event marked one of the most dangerous moments in the East-West confrontation and underlined Cuba's geostrategic importance in world politics at the time.

The US trade embargo against Cuba, often referred to as the Cuban blockade, was a central part of US policy to isolate Fidel Castro's government economically in the hope of bringing about regime change or at least curbing Communist influence in the region. This embargo is one of the longest in modern history. The embargo was initiated in response to the nationalisation without compensation of assets belonging to US citizens and companies in Cuba. Initially, it restricted exports, but was extended to almost all imports from Cuba. Over the decades, the sanctions were tightened, notably with the Torricelli (1992) and Helms-Burton (1996) Acts, the latter extending the effect of the embargo to foreign companies doing business in Cuba. The Bay of Pigs operation, or Invasion of Playa Girón as it is known in Cuba, was a direct effort to overthrow Castro's government. Cuban exiles, trained and financed by the CIA, landed in Cuba in the hope of stirring up a popular uprising against the regime. The operation was a disastrous failure and had the effect of strengthening Castro's position both inside and outside Cuba. As for diplomatic pressure, the US persuaded the Organisation of American States (OAS) to expel Cuba, further isolating the country on the international stage. Over time, however, many countries chose not to adhere to the US embargo and continued to trade with Cuba, albeit often at reduced levels due to US pressure. The embargo has remained a subject of international controversy, criticised by many countries who see it as a punitive policy that mainly affects the Cuban population. The United Nations General Assembly has regularly voted to call for an end to the embargo, stating that it violates international law.

The Cuban Revolution represented a decisive turning point in the Cold War in Latin America. With the establishment of an openly socialist government just 90 miles off the US coast, the US saw it as a significant threat to its sphere of influence in the Western Hemisphere. Relations between the United States and Cuba deteriorated rapidly after Castro took power in 1959. The nationalisation of property belonging to American citizens and companies, without adequate compensation, provoked the ire of Washington, which quickly responded with economic sanctions. The American reaction intensified under the Eisenhower administration with a reduction in Cuban sugar imports, which dealt a severe blow to the island's economy, which was heavily dependent on this export. The situation worsened with the deepening of ties between Cuba and the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union saw Cuba as a strategic ally in the Western Hemisphere and began providing economic and military aid to the Castro government, including the purchase of Cuban sugar to soften the impact of the US embargo. In response, the Eisenhower administration began to devise plans to isolate and eventually overthrow the Castro regime. This included support for Cuban exiles opposed to Castro and preparation for what would become the Bay of Pigs invasion under the Kennedy administration. CIA activities, including assassination attempts against Castro, were also part of the strategy to destabilise the Cuban government. The dynamics of relations between the United States, Cuba and the Soviet Union at that time had a huge influence on international politics. The Cuban revolution not only posed an ideological challenge to the United States, but also posed a perceived threat to national security, due to the possibility of Soviet expansion into Cuba.

Cuban land reform and the subsequent nationalisation of foreign assets, including those of the United Fruit Company, were turning points in Cuba-US relations. These companies, having lost their investments without compensation deemed adequate by international standards, exerted considerable pressure on the US government to act in their favour. The United Fruit Company was a powerful economic entity with important political connections in Washington. The sense of injustice felt by these American companies combined with strategic fears of Soviet expansion to push the US administration to take a hard line against Cuba. This period was also marked by the doctrine of containment, which aimed to prevent the spread of communism throughout the world. The loss of Cuba as an economic and political ally in the region, and its apparent conversion into a Soviet beachhead in the Western Hemisphere, was unacceptable to the United States. In response, the US administration adopted a series of measures, including an economic embargo that became one of the longest-lasting and most comprehensive in the world. At the same time, the US supported clandestine efforts, including the Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961, to overthrow Castro's government. However, these efforts largely failed and often served to strengthen Castro's position in Cuba and increase the island's dependence on the Soviet Union. The situation was complex and the actions of the United States were criticised both internationally and by certain segments of American society. The consequences of Cuban agrarian reform and nationalisation reverberated throughout the Cold War and continue to influence relations between Cuba and the United States to this day.Cuba's alignment with the Soviet Union was perceived as a serious strategic threat by the United States, especially as Cuba is located just 90 miles south of Florida. The Soviet Union's support for Castro's regime, particularly visible in the form of economic and military aid, reinforced Cuba's image as a destabilising player in the region in the eyes of the United States. The series of economic sanctions imposed on Cuba by the United States was designed to restrict the Castro government's economic capacity and create popular discontent that could lead to regime change. The trade embargo had a considerable impact on the Cuban economy, limiting access to markets and technologies, and has remained in force in various forms to the present day. The Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961 was an attempted overthrow orchestrated by the CIA with the support of Cuban exiles opposed to Castro. The plan was intended to inspire an insurrection within Cuba that would lead to Castro's overthrow, but it ended in abject failure and had the opposite effect, strengthening Castro's position inside and outside the island. Moreover, it drove Cuba into the arms of the Soviet Union, leading to events such as the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, which marked one of the most tense moments of the Cold War. Attempts by the United States to assassinate Fidel Castro are also notorious, with some sources reporting hundreds of plots. These efforts were part of Operation Mongoose, a secret programme aimed at sabotaging

The Bay of Pigs invasion became synonymous with a resounding failure of US foreign policy. The CIA had trained and equipped a group of around 1,400 Cuban exiles in the hope of overthrowing Fidel Castro's government in Cuba. Planned as a "secret" invasion to provoke a popular uprising, the operation was launched on 17 April 1961. However, contrary to expectations, there was no internal rebellion and Cuban forces were ready and well organised to respond to the attack. The operation turned out to be a disaster, with heavy losses for the Cuban exile forces. The defeat was a great embarrassment for President John F. Kennedy, who, although the plan had been conceived under the Eisenhower administration, had given the order to carry out the invasion. The debacle allowed Castro to strengthen his grip on Cuba and officially declare the socialist nature of the Cuban revolution. In response to this attempted invasion, the Soviet Union drew closer to Cuba and pledged to defend the island against any further attempts at American aggression. This led to one of the most tense moments of the Cold War: the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962. Following the discovery of Soviet nuclear missiles on Cuban soil, the world was plunged into a thirteen-day direct confrontation that almost triggered a nuclear war. The crisis was finally resolved when the Soviet Union agreed to withdraw its missiles from Cuba, in exchange for an American promise not to invade the island and the secret withdrawal of American missiles based in Turkey. The Bay of Pigs invasion had lasting repercussions, exacerbating Cold War tensions and reinforcing the US embargo against Cuba, a policy that persisted for decades. It remains a crucial chapter in the study of international relations and is a persistent reminder of the dangers of interventionism and the difficulty of predicting or controlling political events abroad.

Landing of Soviet missiles in Cuba.

Cuba's growing isolation from the United States and its Western allies prompted the island's revolutionary government to seek alternative partners for its economic and political support. This search for international support quickly led Cuba to the Soviet Union, the United States' geopolitical adversary during the Cold War. In February 1960, Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev took the initiative to strengthen ties with Cuba by sending a delegation to Havana. This marked the establishment of official diplomatic relations between Cuba and the USSR, paving the way for an alliance that would become one of the most notorious axes of the Cold War. A few months later, in May 1960, the Soviet Union signed an agreement to provide economic assistance to Cuba. This agreement included oil deliveries and the purchase of Cuban products, in particular sugar, which was a mainstay of the Cuban economy. The intensification of relations between Cuba and the Soviet Union was perceived as a direct threat by the US government, which responded by imposing a trade embargo on the island in October 1960. Initially, this embargo prohibited most trade, with the notable exception of certain foods and medicines. The following year, tensions between Cuba and the United States culminated in the failed Bay of Pigs invasion, after which relations deteriorated further. The embargo was tightened in 1962 by the Foreign Aid Act, which virtually eliminated all trade between the two countries. In addition, the Cuban Asset Control Act froze Cuban assets in the United States. These measures were intended to exert economic pressure on Cuba to encourage political reform and punish the government for seizing US assets without compensation. Despite varying degrees of relaxation and periodic easing of restrictions, the US embargo has remained in place to this day, making it one of the longest in modern history. The embargo has had a profound impact on the Cuban economy and on the daily lives of Cubans, while at the same time becoming a symbol of the antagonism between Cuba and the United States during and after the Cold War.

The severing of diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba in January 1961 marked a decisive turning point in the escalation of tension between the two nations. This decision was a direct response to the series of uncompensated nationalisations of US properties by Fidel Castro's revolutionary government. The nationalisation included major investments in the island, from sugar companies to oil refineries, and was seen as a hostile act by the United States. The closure of the embassies symbolised an almost complete freeze in official bilateral relations, a situation that would persist for decades. During this period, Switzerland often acted as a protective power representing American interests in Cuba, and Czechoslovakia, then the Czech Republic, assumed a similar role for Cuba in the United States. Despite the absence of formal diplomatic relations, the two countries maintained a certain level of indirect communication, notably through interest sections in the respective capitals, which operated from the early 1970s. These sections were technically part of the Swiss embassy in Havana and the Czech embassy in Washington, but functioned de facto as diplomatic missions of Cuba and the United States. Efforts to normalise relations were intermittent, with periods of détente followed by new escalations. Under the Obama administration, relations have warmed significantly, culminating in the re-establishment of diplomatic relations in July 2015, the reopening of embassies in the respective capitals, and several relaxations in travel restrictions and trade. However, the policies of the Trump administration have marked a return to a tougher stance towards Cuba, and although the Biden administration has expressed its intention to ease some of the measures, at the time of my last update, many restrictions remain in place and relations remain complicated.

The Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961, orchestrated by the CIA under the Kennedy administration, was a turning point in the history of the Cold War and US-Cuban relations. When John F. Kennedy became President, he was faced with the difficult decision of whether or not to approve the operation planned by his predecessors to overthrow Fidel Castro. Despite his reservations, Kennedy gave the go-ahead, hoping to eradicate what he saw as a Communist threat in the Western hemisphere. However, the attempted invasion was a resounding failure. The Cuban exile forces, despite being trained by the CIA, were quickly defeated by the well-prepared and determined Cuban army. The failure of the mission exposed the United States to severe international criticism and caused major embarrassment for the young Kennedy administration. As a direct result of this disastrous operation, Fidel Castro consolidated his power in Cuba, becoming a symbol of resistance to American imperialism. This strengthening of Castro led to a severe internal crackdown in which thousands of dissidents and suspects were arrested, with the aim of securing the regime against future threats. The Bay of Pigs incident also pushed Cuba even closer to the Soviet Union, seeking protection and solidarity in the face of a powerful enemy. This rapprochement culminated in the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, which marked one of the most dangerous moments of the Cold War, when the world teetered on the brink of nuclear confrontation. The failed invasion and its aftermath exacerbated mistrust and animosity between the United States and Cuba, leading to decades of tension and sanctions. The Bay of Pigs episode remains an important lesson in the perils of US interventionism and a reference point for critical assessments of US foreign policy.

The Cuban missile crisis was one of the most significant events of the Cold War. After the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion, Fidel Castro was aware of the constant threat posed by the United States to his government. In this context, he accepted the Soviet proposal to install nuclear missiles in Cuba, which was part of the USSR's global strategy to counter the United States' military advantage. In July 1962, Nikita Khrushchev, the leader of the Soviet Union, secretly proposed to Castro that nuclear missiles be installed on the island. Khrushchev believed that this would not only help protect Cuba against any future invasion attempt by the United States, but would also provide the USSR with a strategic launch base for its medium-range missiles. In October 1962, the presence of Soviet missiles in Cuba was discovered by American aerial reconnaissance. US President John F. Kennedy issued an ultimatum to the Soviet Union, demanding the withdrawal of the missiles and establishing a naval blockade to prevent the arrival of new military materials on the island. The world held its breath for thirteen days, on the brink of nuclear war, while the leaders of the two superpowers negotiated a way out of the crisis. Finally, an agreement was reached: the USSR agreed to withdraw its missiles from Cuba in exchange for a promise from the United States not to invade the island. Less publicly, the US also agreed to withdraw its Jupiter missiles stationed in Turkey, close to the Soviet border. The outcome of the missile crisis was widely seen as a victory for Kennedy and US diplomacy, and at the same time it allowed Castro to solidify his regime with the assurance that the US would not mount another invasion attempt. The event also prompted the two superpowers to install a direct line of communication - the famous "red telephone" - to enable rapid and secure communication in the event of an emergency, reducing the risk of misunderstandings that could lead to a nuclear confrontation.

Castro's role and thoughts during the Cuban Missile Crisis are open to historical interpretation, and over the years more details have emerged from the Soviet and Cuban perspectives. Initially, Castro was concerned about the possibility of another US invasion following the failure of the Bay of Pigs, and saw Soviet missiles as a potential deterrent. But he also recognised that housing these weapons could provoke a severe reaction from the United States. During the crisis itself, Castro's position became more complex. When the US discovered the missiles and imposed a naval blockade, Castro found himself in a precarious position. He was caught between the superpowers during their tense negotiations. According to some historical accounts, Castro wrote a letter to Khrushchev at the height of the crisis suggesting that if an invasion were to occur, the Soviet Union should launch a nuclear first strike against the United States. The letter was interpreted as a sign of Castro's willingness to put his country on the front line of the Cold War, reflecting his commitment to the socialist cause and to protecting his revolution at almost any cost. However, Khrushchev was not prepared to escalate the conflict to this level. He had miscalculated Kennedy's response to the missile deployment and was looking for a peaceful solution that would prevent nuclear war while saving face for the Soviet Union. As the crisis unfolded, there was significant communication between the Soviet Union and the United States, which eventually led to the dismantling of Soviet missiles in Cuba in exchange for a public declaration by the United States not to invade Cuba and the secret withdrawal of US missiles from Turkey. Castro felt somewhat sidelined and betrayed by the Soviets, as these negotiations were conducted without his full participation or consent. The resolution of the Cuban Missile Crisis is regarded as a crucial moment in the Cold War, when direct communication between the two superpowers succeeded in averting a nuclear catastrophe. It led to improved channels of communication between the superpowers, including the establishment of the direct 'red line', and it also marked a change in the dynamics of the Cold War, ultimately leading to détente. For Castro, however, the outcome was mixed: although Cuba was spared invasion, the crisis underlined the island's vulnerability and dependence on the protection of a superpower.

The Soviet Union took the decision to withdraw the missiles after negotiations with the United States, during which they received assurances that the US would not attempt to invade Cuba and that it would withdraw its own missiles based in Turkey, although the latter was not made public immediately. Castro was not directly involved in the final negotiations and was frustrated by the lack of consultation with his Soviet allies. The missile crisis had significant implications for Cuba. It strengthened the ties between Cuba and the Soviet Union, consolidating the alliance between the two nations in the face of the American threat. The crisis also demonstrated the United States' willingness to take drastic measures against Cuba if it perceived a direct threat to its national security. In the aftermath of the crisis, Castro's government tightened its grip on the country, increasing political repression and censorship in order to lock down control and prevent internal dissent. The resolution of the missile crisis marked a turning point for Cuba, highlighting both its strategic vulnerability in Cold War politics and its dependence on the Soviet Union for security and economic support.

Fidel Castro's proclamation in 1965 that the Cuban revolution was Marxist-Leninist and that Cuba was now a socialist state marked a decisive turning point. Until then, although the radical reforms and nationalisations indicated a socialist direction, complete ideological alignment with the Soviet Union had not been explicitly declared. This declaration enshrined Cuba's official orientation towards a planned economy and a one-party state, based on the Soviet model. It signalled an irreversible break with the capitalist West, especially with the United States, which had already imposed an embargo on the island. Cuba's adherence to Marxist-Leninist principles led to the implementation of radical economic and social reforms, such as the collectivisation of agriculture, state industrialisation, and a vast programme of social services including education and health. These measures had a profound impact on Cuba's social and economic structure, reshaping society in line with socialist ideals. By aligning his country more closely with the Soviet Union, Castro also guaranteed Cuba significant military and economic protection. This enabled Cuba to maintain its political independence despite American hostility and economic isolation. However, this dependence also made Cuba extremely vulnerable to the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, which plunged the island into a severe economic crisis known as the "Special Period".

The legacy of the Cold War in Latin America and Cuba

The Cuban revolution not only truly revolutionised Cuba, but also had a considerable impact on the geopolitical dynamics of Latin America and international relations during the Cold War. Fidel Castro, at the head of a revolutionary movement, overthrew the regime of Fulgencio Batista in 1959 and established a government that rapidly took a socialist direction. Vast agrarian reforms redistributed land, often to the detriment of American interests and the Cuban big bourgeoisie. The nationalisation of businesses, including American investments, provoked direct conflict with the United States, which responded with a severe economic embargo. At the same time, the revolutionary government launched ambitious health and education programmes, which led to significant improvements in Cuba's social indicators. But this transformation was accompanied by the consolidation of power in the hands of Castro and the Communist Party, as well as repression of political dissidents, censorship of the press and restrictions on civil liberties. Relations between the United States and Cuba reached a crisis point with the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961, undertaken by Cuban exiles supported by the CIA, and above all with the Cuban missile crisis in 1962, which almost triggered a nuclear war between the United States and the Soviet Union. Despite attempts at rapprochement at various times, the US embargo against Cuba has remained largely in place, affecting the Cuban economy and symbolising the tumultuous relationship between the two countries. The Cuban revolution remains an essential chapter in modern history, embodying the hopes, contradictions and conflicts of the post-colonial era and the Cold War.

Cuba's accession to the Soviet bloc during the Cold War greatly exacerbated tensions with the United States, which were already tense due to nationalisation and the socialist orientation of the revolution. These tensions came to a head during the 1962 missile crisis, an event that demonstrated Castro's determination to defend Cuban sovereignty against American imperialism, even if it meant exposing his island to great danger. The installation of Soviet missiles in Cuba was seen as a direct challenge to US national security, as their proximity would have allowed the Soviet Union to launch a nuclear attack on US soil with little reaction time. However, the resolution of the crisis illustrated the complexity of international relations at the time, with the Soviet Union finally withdrawing its missiles in exchange for the withdrawal of US missiles from Turkey, all without Cuba's direct participation in the negotiations. The impact of the Cuban revolution on Latin America and world politics was profound. On the one hand, it inspired other revolutionary movements and strengthened the sense of independence and national pride throughout the region. On the other hand, it justified in the minds of many American leaders the idea that US intervention was necessary to prevent the spread of communism in the Western Hemisphere. For the Cuban people, the revolution meant tangible improvements in education and public health, but also an economy constrained by international sanctions and restricted political freedom. The following decades would see Cuba navigate a difficult international environment, often isolated, but always fervent in its resistance to giving in to external pressures.

The Cold War had a profound influence on the destiny of Latin America, a region that became a theatre of ideological and political confrontation between the superpowers of the time. The United States, in its fight against the spread of communism, often supported authoritarian regimes on the pretext that they were a bulwark against Soviet influence. This policy led to dark periods characterised by military dictatorships, human rights violations, enforced disappearances and the torture of political dissidents. The collapse of the Soviet Union meant the end of global bipolarity and paved the way for a wave of democratisation in Latin America. During the 1990s, many countries that had lived under authoritarian regimes undertook democratic transitions, although the transition to democracy was difficult and complex, with legacies of violence and inequality to overcome. Economic liberalisation has also been a feature of the post-Cold War period, with the adoption of neo-liberal policies encouraged by international organisations such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. While these policies have led to a degree of economic growth and increased integration into the global economy, they have also often exacerbated inequality and undermined social protection systems in a number of countries. Today, the legacy of the Cold War is still evident in Latin America in the form of fragile institutions, mistrust of governments and deeply divided societies. Current challenges include the fight against poverty, inequality, corruption and violence, as well as the consolidation of democratic governance. In addition, old ideological divides persist, with countries oscillating between left- and right-wing policies, and with a region that remains strategic in the foreign policy of today's major powers.

Annexes

Bay of Pigs: Invasion and Aftermath – slideshow by Life magazine
The treaty text hosted by the Organization of American States
GENERAL INFORMATION OF THE TREATY: B-29
Paterson, Thomas G. et al (2009) ; American Foreign Relations: A History, Volume 2: Since 1895, Cengage Learning, ISBN 0547225695, p. 304
Holly, Susan K., and David S. Patterson. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954. U.S. G.P.O., 2003. url: https://books.google.fr/books?id=jY89Lqr5QnYC&lpg=PA106&dq=guatemala%20psywar&pg=PA106#v=onepage&q=guatemala%20psywar&f=false
Immerman, Richard H. The CIA in Guatemala: the Foreign Policy of Intervention. University of Texas, 1982. url: https://books.google.fr/books?id=erAkfz6c9HoC&lpg=PA113&dq=guatemala%20psywar%20bernays&pg=PA113#v=onepage&q&f=false<
http://www.coha.org/NEW_PRESS_RELEASES/Matt%20Ward/MW_Appendix_A.htm
AA, teleSUR -. “Invasión De EE.UU. En Guatemala, Causas y Consecuencias.” TeleSUR, TeleSUR, 27 June 2019, www.telesurtv.net/news/golpe-estado-guatemala-eeuu-20180627-0007.html.
Jiménez, Hugo Murillo. “LA INTERVENCION NORTEAMERICANA EN GUATEMALA EN 1954. DOS INTERPRETACIONES RECIENTES.” Anuario De Estudios Centroamericanos, vol. 11, no. 2, 1985, pp. 149–155., www.jstor.org/stable/40682697.
Chúa, Luis Morales. “El Papel De Guatemala En Asambleas De La OEA.” Prensa Libre, 25 Aug. 2017, www.prensalibre.com/opinion/el-papel-de-guatemalaen-asambleas-de-la-oea/.
Le Livre noir de la CIA: Les archives dévoilées, Yvonnick Denoël
Kornbluh, Peter. 1998. Bay of Pigs Declassified: The Secret CIA Report on the Invasion of Cuba. The New Press ISBN 1-56584-494-7 ISBN 978-1-56584-494-0
Terrorismo "made in U.S.A." en el continente americano; una enciclopedia básica
Higgins, Trumbull. 1987, 2008. The Perfect Failure: Kennedy, Eisenhower, and the CIA at the Bay of Pigs. Norton ISBN 0-393-30563-5, 978-0-393-30563-0
Hunt, E. Howard. 1973. Give Us This Day. Arlington House ISBN 978-0-87000-228-1
Johnson, Haynes. 1964, 1974. The Bay of Pigs: The Leaders' Story of Brigade 2506. W.W. Norton & Co ISBN 0-393-04263-4
Jones, Howard. 2008. Bay of Pigs (Pivotal Moments in American History). OUP US ISBN 0-19-517383-X, 978-0-19-517383-3

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 == 革命的第一步 ==
-When Fidel Castro arrived in Cuba with his brother Raul and Che Guevara in December 1956, they were initially greeted with scepticism and disbelief by many Cubans. Many doubted that a small group of rebels could succeed in overthrowing the Batista regime. Castro and his supporters took refuge in the mountains of the Sierra Maestra, where they enjoyed the support of local peasants sympathetic to their cause. Over time, Castro and his supporters built up their strength through guerrilla tactics and by winning the support of local communities. They engaged in rapid, mobile attacks against Batista's forces, drawing on their knowledge of the terrain and popular support. Their movement grew, attracting deserters from Batista's army, local volunteers and even sympathisers from other parts of Cuba. At the same time, Batista's regime began to show signs of weakness, with problems of corruption and growing discontent among the population. Castro made effective use of the media to spread his message and attract international attention, helping to strengthen his cause. What began as a seemingly desperate enterprise turned into a revolutionary force capable of overthrowing an established dictator. It was a combination of strategy, popular support, resilience and the ability to inspire and mobilise people around a common vision that enabled Castro and his supporters to succeed where many thought they would fail.
+年 12 月，当菲德尔-卡斯特罗与他的兄弟劳尔和切-格瓦拉一起抵达古巴时，许多古巴人起初对他们持怀疑和不相信态度。许多人怀疑一小群反叛分子能否成功推翻巴蒂斯塔政权。卡斯特罗和他的支持者在马埃斯特拉山脉的山区避难，在那里他们得到了同情他们事业的当地农民的支持。随着时间的推移，卡斯特罗及其支持者通过游击战术和赢得当地社区的支持，逐渐壮大了自己的力量。他们利用对地形的了解和民众的支持，对巴蒂斯塔的部队发动快速、机动的攻击。他们的运动日益壮大，吸引了巴蒂斯塔军队的逃兵、当地志愿者甚至古巴其他地区的同情者。与此同时，巴蒂斯塔政权开始显现出软弱的迹象，出现了腐败问题，民众的不满情绪日益高涨。卡斯特罗有效地利用媒体来传播他的信息，吸引国际社会的关注，从而巩固了他的事业。卡斯特罗从一个看似孤注一掷的事业转变成了一支能够推翻既有独裁者的革命力量。卡斯特罗和他的支持者能够在许多人认为他们会失败的时候取得成功，靠的是战略、民众支持、坚韧不拔的精神以及围绕共同愿景鼓舞和动员民众的能力。
-In the tumultuous 1950s in Cuba, while Fidel Castro and his rebels were fighting in the Sierra Maestra, unrest was also growing in urban areas. Many Cubans, dissatisfied with Batista's oppressive and corrupt regime, mobilised to express their discontent. Students, trade unionists, intellectuals and ordinary citizens took part in protests, strikes and other acts of civil disobedience. These urban movements were crucial in eroding Batista's support base and illustrating the national scope of the discontent. Demonstrators used every opportunity to denounce the regime's corruption, violence and repression. Each act of repression by Batista only fuelled more public indignation, creating a vicious circle for the regime. However, it was the guerrilla tactics employed by Castro and his supporters that finally delivered the decisive blow against Batista. Using the mountains as cover, the rebels launched surprise attacks, gradually weakening Batista's forces and extending their influence over vast rural areas. This guerrilla strategy, combined with urban unrest, created a double threat to Batista. As the rebellion grew in strength and credibility, it became a magnet for those seeking change in Cuba. The rebel ranks swelled with new recruits, and their momentum seemed irresistible. Finally, in 1959, faced with widespread opposition and a deteriorating military situation, Batista fled the country, marking the end of his regime and the beginning of a new era for Cuba under the leadership of Castro.[[File:Luis Korda 02.jpg|thumb|150px|left|Castro (right) with his revolutionary comrade Camilo Cienfuegos entering Havana on 8 January 1959.]]
+世纪 50 年代的古巴动荡不安，当菲德尔-卡斯特罗和他的叛军在马埃斯特拉山脉作战时，城市地区的动荡也在加剧。许多古巴人不满巴蒂斯塔政权的压迫和腐败，动员起来表达不满。学生、工会成员、知识分子和普通市民参加了抗议、罢工和其他非暴力反抗行动。这些城市运动对削弱巴蒂斯塔的支持基础和说明全国范围的不满情绪至关重要。示威者利用一切机会谴责政权的腐败、暴力和镇压。巴蒂斯塔的每一次镇压行动都只会激起更多的民愤，给政权造成恶性循环。然而，卡斯特罗及其支持者所采用的游击战术最终给了巴蒂斯塔决定性的一击。叛军以山区为掩护，发动突然袭击，逐渐削弱了巴蒂斯塔的力量，并将影响力扩展到广大农村地区。这种游击战略与城市动乱相结合，给巴蒂斯塔造成了双重威胁。随着反叛力量的壮大和可信度的提高，它吸引了那些在古巴寻求变革的人。新招募的人员使叛军队伍不断壮大，他们的势头似乎无法抵挡。最后，1959 年，面对广泛的反对和日益恶化的军事形势，巴蒂斯塔逃离了古巴，标志着他的政权结束，古巴在卡斯特罗的领导下进入了一个新时代。[[File:Luis Korda 02.jpg|thumb|150px|left|1959 年 1 月 8 日，卡斯特罗（右）与他的革命同志卡米洛-西恩富戈斯（Camilo Cienfuegos）一起进入哈瓦那。]]
-The Cuban revolution reached a decisive turning point in 1958, a crucial year for Fidel Castro and his guerrillas. By this time, the revolutionary movement had significantly strengthened. The rebels, having built up a robust military structure, were now capable of launching bolder, larger-scale operations against Batista's forces. However, it was not just the rebels' growing success that played a role in Batista's downfall. The international context, in particular the attitude of the United States, was also a crucial factor. Initially, the US government had given Batista considerable support, including supplies of arms and other aid. But as the Cuban revolution intensified and the Batista regime became increasingly brutal in its repression, the US began to reassess its position. In March 1958, in a move that marked a U-turn in US policy, the US suspended arms shipments to Cuba. This decision, prompted by growing concerns about human rights abuses by the Batista government, had a major impact on the conflict. Deprived of essential military resources, the Batista regime saw its advantage rapidly eroded. At the same time, guerrilla forces under Castro's leadership continued to grow and extend their hold on Cuban territory. Towards the end of 1958, the rebels orchestrated a series of triumphant military campaigns, critically weakening Batista's forces. This combination of rebel military success and the withdrawal of US support created the ideal conditions for Batista's downfall. On 1 January 1959, Batista left Cuba, leaving the field clear for the rebels led by Fidel Castro, who thus proclaimed the victory of the Cuban revolution, marking the start of a new era for the country.
+年，古巴革命迎来了决定性的转折点，这一年对菲德尔-卡斯特罗和他的游击队来说至关重要。此时，革命运动已大大加强。叛军建立了强大的军事结构，现在有能力对巴蒂斯塔的部队发起更大胆、更大规模的行动。然而，巴蒂斯塔的下台并不仅仅是因为叛军的日益成功。国际环境，尤其是美国的态度也是一个关键因素。最初，美国政府给予巴蒂斯塔相当大的支持，包括提供武器和其他援助。但随着古巴革命愈演愈烈，巴蒂斯塔政权的镇压越来越残酷，美国开始重新评估自己的立场。1958 年 3 月，美国暂停向古巴运送武器，标志着美国政策的一个转折。巴蒂斯塔政府践踏人权的行为日益受到关注，这一决定对冲突产生了重大影响。由于失去了重要的军事资源，巴蒂斯塔政权的优势被迅速削弱。与此同时，卡斯特罗领导的游击队不断壮大，并扩大了对古巴领土的控制。1958 年底，叛军策划了一系列胜利的军事行动，极大地削弱了巴蒂斯塔的力量。叛军的军事胜利和美国支持的撤出为巴蒂斯塔的倒台创造了理想的条件。1959 年 1 月 1 日，巴蒂斯塔离开古巴，把战场留给了菲德尔-卡斯特罗领导的反叛军，卡斯特罗因此宣布古巴革命胜利，标志着古巴进入了一个新时代。
-The ideological trajectory of Fidel Castro and the Cuban revolution is inseparable from Marxism-Leninism, although not all the fighters under his leadership necessarily adhered to this doctrine. Castro's inclination towards socialism was the result of various factors. During his years as a militant student in Havana in the 1940s and 1950s, he forged his political convictions. His in-depth study of Marxist theory, coupled with his admiration for the Soviet Union and its then leader, Joseph Stalin, strongly influenced his world view. Even before the triumph of the Cuban revolution, Castro and his allies had drawn up a political programme aimed at establishing a socialist state in Cuba. This programme emphasised radical reforms, including land reform, improved workers' rights and the nationalisation of key industries. After the fall of Batista, this programme was rapidly implemented. Key industries were nationalised and land redistributed to peasants. Cuba also forged close links with the Soviet Union, which became a crucial economic and military support for Castro's government. Over time, Castro's commitment to Marxism-Leninism grew stronger. In 1965, he officially declared that the Cuban revolution was socialist. Castro's relationship with the Soviet Union evolved into a strategic alliance, making him a central figure in the international communist movement. This alliance not only shaped Cuba's domestic politics but also had a major impact on international politics, particularly during the Cold War period.
+菲德尔-卡斯特罗和古巴革命的思想轨迹与马克思列宁主义密不可分，尽管在他领导下的所有战士并不一定都坚持这一学说。卡斯特罗倾向于社会主义是多种因素共同作用的结果。20 世纪 40 年代和 50 年代，他在哈瓦那当激进的学生，在此期间，他坚定了自己的政治信念。他对马克思主义理论的深入研究，加上对苏联及其当时领导人约瑟夫-斯大林的崇拜，强烈地影响了他的世界观。早在古巴革命胜利之前，卡斯特罗和他的盟友就制定了一项旨在古巴建立社会主义国家的政治纲领。该纲领强调激进的改革，包括土地改革、改善工人权利和关键产业国有化。巴蒂斯塔倒台后，这一方案迅速得到实施。主要产业被国有化，土地重新分配给农民。古巴还与苏联建立了密切联系，苏联成为卡斯特罗政府重要的经济和军事支持。随着时间的推移，卡斯特罗对马克思列宁主义的承诺越来越坚定。1965 年，他正式宣布古巴革命是社会主义革命。卡斯特罗与苏联的关系演变为战略联盟，使他成为国际共产主义运动的核心人物。这一联盟不仅塑造了古巴的国内政治，也对国际政治产生了重大影响，尤其是在冷战时期。
-The victory of the Cuban revolution in January 1959, led by Fidel Castro, marked a turning point in Cuba's history. Although the rebels had not yet drawn up a detailed plan of government, they were guided by fundamental principles and objectives. These goals reflected their aspirations for a transformed Cuba, free from US influence and meeting the basic needs of its people. Immediate priorities included the pursuit of national independence, job creation for the many unemployed, improved living conditions in rural areas, and greater access to education and healthcare. From its very first months in office, the new government set about achieving these goals through a variety of policy initiatives. An ambitious land reform was launched, aimed at expropriating large estates and redistributing land to small farmers and peasants. The aim was to reduce land inequalities and boost agricultural production. At the same time, efforts were made to improve access to healthcare and education, with a particular focus on rural areas, which had often been neglected in the past. However, these reforms have met with obstacles and resistance. Powerful economic interests in both Cuba and the United States perceived these changes as a threat. Despite these challenges, Castro and his allies continued to develop their political programme, gradually moving towards Marxism-Leninism and the idea of establishing a socialist state. This ideological evolution led to more radical reforms and a growing rapprochement with the Soviet Union. Over the years, the Cuban government has consolidated its socialist regime, profoundly marking the history and politics of the island.
+年 1 月，菲德尔-卡斯特罗领导的古巴革命胜利，标志着古巴历史的转折点。尽管起义者尚未制定详细的政府计划，但他们遵循基本原则和目标。这些目标反映了他们对一个摆脱美国影响、满足人民基本需求的变革中的古巴的渴望。当务之急包括实现国家独立、为众多失业者创造就业机会、改善农村地区的生活条件以及扩大教育和医疗服务的覆盖面。新政府上台后的头几个月，就开始通过各种政策措施来实现这些目标。政府启动了雄心勃勃的土地改革，旨在征用大庄园，将土地重新分配给小农和农民。其目的是减少土地不平等，促进农业生产。与此同时，还努力改善医疗保健和教育的普及，并特别关注过去经常被忽视的农村地区。然而，这些改革遇到了障碍和阻力。古巴和美国强大的经济利益集团都将这些变革视为威胁。尽管面临这些挑战，卡斯特罗和他的盟友仍继续发展他们的政治纲领，逐渐转向马克思列宁主义和建立社会主义国家的思想。这种意识形态的演变导致了更加激进的改革以及与苏联日益密切的关系。多年来，古巴政府巩固了其社会主义政权，给古巴岛的历史和政治打上了深刻的烙印。
-The initial programme of the Cuban revolution, when launched by Fidel Castro and his allies, was based on principles such as national independence, social justice and improved living conditions for the Cuban people. These ideals reflected a desire for change and reform, but did not explicitly call for the establishment of a fully developed communist government. Despite these initial intentions, the United States soon became suspicious of the Cuban revolutionary movement. The United States saw the revolution as a possible threat to its interests in the region, and feared that Cuba might become an ally of the Soviet Union or other communist countries. This perception was rooted in Cold War politics, where strategic and ideological interests dominated international relations. Over time, the ideology of the Cuban revolution evolved towards a stronger emphasis on socialism and the establishment of a planned economy. This evolution contributed to intensifying tensions between Cuba and the United States. Faced with the consolidation of the Castro regime and its rapprochement with the Soviet Union, the United States adopted an increasingly hostile stance towards Cuba. It undertook various actions to undermine the Cuban revolution, including attempts at political interference and economic sanctions. These actions were part of a broader policy of US intervention in Latin America during the Cold War. This policy was often motivated not only by fear of communism, but also by the desire to maintain US economic and political dominance in the region. In response to US policies, Cuba strengthened its ties with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, moving further along the road to socialism and further exacerbating tensions with the United States.
+由菲德尔-卡斯特罗及其盟友发起的古巴革命的最初方案是基于民族独立、社会公正和改善古巴人民生活条件等原则。这些理想反映了变革和改革的愿望，但并没有明确要求建立一个全面发展的共产主义政府。尽管有这些初衷，美国很快就对古巴革命运动产生了怀疑。美国认为古巴革命可能威胁到其在该地区的利益，并担心古巴可能成为苏联或其他共产主义国家的盟友。这种看法植根于冷战政治，在冷战中，战略和意识形态利益主导着国际关系。随着时间的推移，古巴革命的意识形态朝着更加强调社会主义和建立计划经济的方向发展。这一演变加剧了古巴与美国之间的紧张关系。面对卡斯特罗政权的巩固及其与苏联的和解，美国对古巴采取了日益敌对的立场。美国采取各种行动破坏古巴革命，包括试图进行政治干预和经济制裁。这些行动是冷战期间美国干预拉丁美洲的广泛政策的一部分。这一政策的动机往往不仅是对共产主义的恐惧，也是为了维持美国在该地区的经济和政治主导地位。作为对美国政策的回应，古巴加强了与苏联和其他社会主义国家的联系，在社会主义道路上越走越远，进一步加剧了与美国的紧张关系。
-Fidel Castro and his supporters' awareness of the threats posed by the United States and other external forces played a central role in the way they consolidated and protected the Cuban revolution. Aware of what was at stake, they adopted several strategies to safeguard their revolutionary gains. Firstly, strengthening the Cuban army was a priority, enabling the country to be defended against any foreign intervention. This was essential in the context of the Cold War, where international tensions could easily lead to armed conflict. Secondly, establishing close ties with the Soviet Union was a key strategy. This alliance offered Cuba crucial economic, military and diplomatic support, strengthening its position on the international stage and its ability to resist American pressure. Thirdly, fostering a strong sense of nationalism and anti-imperialism among the Cuban population served to unite the people around the revolution. This helped to create a collective national identity and galvanise support for the revolutionary cause. However, Castro's government also adopted an intransigent approach to dissent and internal opposition. Non-tolerance of any challenge to government authority and periodic purges against those perceived as counter-revolutionaries reflected a hard line adopted by the regime. This approach was partly motivated by a sense of urgency and crisis, fuelled by fears of internal subversion or external intervention. Over time, as the revolution became more firmly established, the Cuban government became slightly more tolerant of dissent. Nevertheless, the legacy of the early years of the revolution, characterised by the centralisation of power and the one-party system, continued to strongly influence Cuban politics for many years. This approach has had lasting implications for Cuba's political and social landscape, shaping its evolution to the present day.
+菲德尔-卡斯特罗及其支持者意识到美国和其他外部势力的威胁，这在他们巩固和保护古巴革命的过程中发挥了核心作用。意识到危在旦夕，他们采取了多项战略来捍卫革命成果。首先，优先加强古巴军队，使国家能够抵御任何外国干涉。在冷战背景下，这一点至关重要，因为国际紧张局势很容易导致武装冲突。其次，与苏联建立密切关系是一项关键战略。这一联盟为古巴提供了重要的经济、军事和外交支持，加强了古巴在国际舞台上的地位和抵御美国压力的能力。第三，在古巴民众中培养强烈的民族主义和反帝意识有助于将人民团结在革命周围。这有助于建立集体的民族认同感，激发对革命事业的支持。然而，卡斯特罗政府也对异议和内部反对派采取了顽固的态度。不容忍任何挑战政府权威的行为，并对那些被视为反革命分子的人进行定期清洗，这些都反映了卡斯特罗政权采取的强硬路线。采取这种做法的部分原因是出于一种紧迫感和危机感，担心内部颠覆或外部干预。随着时间的推移，革命的基础越来越牢固，古巴政府对不同政见的容忍度也略有提高。然而，革命初期遗留下来的以中央集权和一党制为特征的做法，多年来继续强烈影响着古巴政治。这种做法对古巴的政治和社会格局产生了持久的影响，决定了古巴至今的演变。
-The political trajectory of the Cuban revolution, orchestrated by Fidel Castro, is a subject rich in nuance, arousing both admiration and criticism. The methods and achievements of Castro and his government can be assessed from a number of angles, including the creation of coalitions of support and strategies for maintaining power. The creation of coalitions of support was essential at the start of the revolution. The goals of social justice and national independence attracted a wide range of support, resonating with many Cubans who felt marginalised or oppressed under Batista's regime. Anti-imperialism, manifested in opposition to US influence, was also a key factor in consolidating popular support. At the same time, Castro's management of power involved a variety of tactics. Building a cult of personality around his charismatic figure played a crucial role in mobilising the masses and centralising authority. This approach was complemented by purges of dissidents and potential rivals, eliminating challenges to Castro's power. However, this strategy has been criticised for being incompatible with democratic principles. Perspectives on the Cuban revolution are deeply divided. On the one hand, some critics argue that the centralised approach and one-party system have suppressed political pluralism and compromised freedom of expression, as well as the democratic potential of the revolution. On the other hand, defenders of the revolution point to achievements in social justice, education and healthcare, as well as resistance to foreign influence. They consider that the measures taken were necessary in the face of constant external threats.
+由菲德尔-卡斯特罗策划的古巴革命的政治轨迹是一个充满细微差别的主题，既令人钦佩，也招致批评。可以从多个角度评估卡斯特罗及其政府的方法和成就，包括建立支持联盟和维持权力的战略。建立支持联盟在革命初期至关重要。社会正义和国家独立的目标吸引了广泛的支持，引起了许多在巴蒂斯塔政权下感到被边缘化或受压迫的古巴人的共鸣。以反对美国影响为表现形式的反帝国主义也是巩固民众支持的一个关键因素。与此同时，卡斯特罗在管理权力方面也采取了多种策略。围绕其魅力四射的形象建立个人崇拜，在动员群众和集中权力方面发挥了至关重要的作用。与这种方法相辅相成的是对持不同政见者和潜在对手的清洗，以消除对卡斯特罗权力的挑战。然而，这一战略因不符合民主原则而受到批评。关于古巴革命的观点分歧很大。一方面，一些批评者认为，中央集权和一党制压制了政治多元化，损害了言论自由和革命的民主潜力。另一方面，革命的捍卫者指出了在社会公正、教育和医疗保健方面取得的成就，以及对外国势力的抵制。他们认为，面对持续不断的外部威胁，所采取的措施是必要的。
-The alignment of Fidel Castro and his government with the Communist Party of Cuba (CPC) is a complex and controversial subject that continues to be hotly debated. On the one hand, it is true that the CCP had a long history of opposition to the Batista dictatorship and had a solid infrastructure as well as a committed militant base. Castro, who was not originally a communist, saw in aligning himself with the CCP a pragmatic opportunity to consolidate revolutionary power. The alliance provided the revolutionary government with a robust organisational structure and additional ideological legitimacy. Over time, this relationship was strengthened, and communism became the official ideology of the Cuban government, with the CCP as the sole legal political party. On the other hand, some critics of the Cuban revolution see this development as a deviation from the original ideals of the revolution, centred on social justice, independence and anti-imperialism. They argue that the adoption of communism has led to increased centralisation of power and restrictions on political and civil liberties. On the other hand, others argue that this alignment was a strategic necessity, enabling Cuba to resist external pressure, particularly from the United States and other Western powers. They also argue that this alliance has enabled social and economic reforms to be pursued that have benefited many Cubans. Debates about this period in Cuban history are deeply polarised, reflecting divergent perspectives on issues of power, ideology and foreign policy. This polarisation underlines the complexity of Cuban history and the difficulty of reconciling different worldviews on the legacy of the Cuban revolution.
+菲德尔-卡斯特罗及其政府与古巴共产党（CPC）的结盟是一个复杂而有争议的话题，目前仍在激烈争论中。一方面，古巴共产党确实长期反对巴蒂斯塔独裁统治，拥有坚实的基础设施和坚定的战斗基础。卡斯特罗原本不是共产主义者，他认为与中国共产党结盟是巩固革命政权的务实机会。这一联盟为革命政府提供了强大的组织结构和额外的意识形态合法性。随着时间的推移，这种关系得到了加强，共产主义成为古巴政府的官方意识形态，而中国共产党则是唯一合法的政党。另一方面，一些古巴革命的批评者认为这一发展偏离了革命的最初理想，即以社会正义、独立和反帝为中心。他们认为，实行共产主义导致权力更加集中，政治和公民自由受到限制。另一方面，另一些人则认为，这种结盟是一种战略需要，使古巴能够抵御外部压力，尤其是来自美国和其他西方大国的压力。他们还认为，这种结盟使古巴得以进行社会和经济改革，使许多古巴人受益。关于古巴历史上这一时期的辩论两极分化严重，反映了对权力、意识形态和外交政策等问题的不同观点。这种两极分化凸显了古巴历史的复杂性，以及调和关于古巴革命遗产的不同世界观的难度。
-Fidel Castro's triumphant march from Santiago de Cuba to Havana in January 1959 was a pivotal moment in Cuban history, crucial in mobilising and rallying the Cuban people to the revolutionary cause. As they crossed the island, Castro and his supporters aroused a wave of popular enthusiasm, with huge crowds greeting them as heroes. This event played a fundamental role in building support for the new government and establishing Castro's legitimacy as a national leader. During the march, Castro skilfully used speeches and public meetings to communicate his vision of a renewed Cuba, based on values of social justice, independence and opposition to imperialism. He articulated a programme that sought to address the concerns and aspirations of Cubans, particularly the working classes and rural populations, who had long been neglected or oppressed under the Batista dictatorship. In the months that followed, Castro's government stepped up its efforts to mobilise popular support, organising mass rallies, encouraging grassroots organisation and promoting a cult of personality around Castro. These strategies were effective in consolidating widespread support, particularly among those who had most to gain from the reforms promised by the revolution. The Castro March was therefore much more than a simple celebration of victory: it was a decisive moment for establishing the authority of the new government, creating a sense of national unity and channelling popular energy into building a new Cuba. This period laid the foundations for what was to become a radical transformation of Cuban society and the economy under Castro's leadership.
+菲德尔-卡斯特罗 1959 年 1 月从圣地亚哥向哈瓦那的胜利进军是古巴历史上的关键时刻，对于动员和凝聚古巴人民投身革命事业至关重要。卡斯特罗和他的支持者在穿越古巴岛时，激起了民众的热情，大批群众把他们当作英雄来迎接。这一事件在建立对新政府的支持和确立卡斯特罗作为国家领导人的合法性方面发挥了根本性的作用。在游行过程中，卡斯特罗巧妙地利用演讲和公开会议传达了他对一个基于社会正义、独立和反对帝国主义价值观的全新古巴的愿景。他阐述了一项计划，旨在解决古巴人，特别是工人阶级和农村人口的关切和愿望，他们在巴蒂斯塔独裁统治下长期受到忽视或压迫。在随后的几个月里，卡斯特罗政府加大了动员民众支持的力度，组织群众集会，鼓励基层组织，并推动对卡斯特罗的个人崇拜。这些策略有效地巩固了广泛的支持，尤其是在那些从革命承诺的改革中获益最多的人群中。因此，"卡斯特罗大游行 "不仅仅是一次简单的胜利庆祝活动：它是建立新政府权威、树立民族团结意识、将民众的力量引导到建设新古巴的决定性时刻。这一时期为卡斯特罗领导下的古巴社会和经济的彻底变革奠定了基础。
-== Creation or restructuring of mass organisations (1959-1961) ==
+== 创建或重组群众组织（1959-1961 年） ==
-Fidel Castro's skilful use of the media after the triumph of the revolution in 1959 was a key component of his strategy to consolidate power and mobilise popular support for his government. Television and radio, in particular, served as essential platforms for spreading the revolutionary message and reaching a wide audience across Cuba. Castro's speeches, often long and impassioned, were broadcast regularly on television and radio. In these speeches, he positioned himself as a charismatic leader and a dedicated servant of the interests of the Cuban people. He played on themes such as patriotism, national pride and the hope of a better life, presenting the revolution and its government programme as the path to achieving these aspirations. Castro's populist approach, combined with his oratorical talent and ability to communicate effectively via the media, was crucial in forging broad popular support. His speeches did not simply convey information; they were designed to arouse emotions, inspire and mobilise citizens around a common project. By positioning himself as the defender of Cuban sovereignty and the champion of the people's aspirations, Castro was able to tap into feelings deeply rooted in Cuban society. His ability to rally citizens to the cause of his government played a fundamental role in building a sense of national unity and maintaining the legitimacy of his regime in the years following the revolution. Castro and his government's mastery of the media not only helped spread the revolutionary message, but also shaped public opinion and strengthened cohesion around the vision and objectives of the Cuban revolution.
+年革命胜利后，菲德尔-卡斯特罗娴熟地利用媒体，这是他巩固政权和动员民众支持其政府的战略的关键组成部分。电视和广播尤其是传播革命信息的重要平台，在古巴各地拥有广泛的受众。卡斯特罗的演讲通常长篇大论，慷慨激昂，定期在电视和广播上播出。在这些演讲中，他将自己定位为富有魅力的领袖和古巴人民利益的忠实仆人。他以爱国主义、民族自豪感和对美好生活的憧憬为主题，把革命及其政府计划说成是实现这些愿望的途径。卡斯特罗的民粹主义方法，加上他的演说才能和通过媒体进行有效沟通的能力，对于赢得广泛的民众支持至关重要。他的演讲并不是简单地传递信息，而是为了唤起民众的情感，激发他们的斗志，并将他们动员到一个共同的项目上来。通过将自己定位为古巴主权的捍卫者和人民愿望的捍卫者，卡斯特罗能够利用古巴社会根深蒂固的情感。在革命后的岁月里，卡斯特罗团结民众支持其政府事业的能力在建立民族团结意识和维护其政权合法性方面发挥了根本性的作用。卡斯特罗及其政府对媒体的掌控不仅有助于传播革命信息，还塑造了公众舆论，增强了古巴革命愿景和目标的凝聚力。
-The establishment and restructuring of mass organisations was a key strategy adopted by Fidel Castro and his government to mobilise the Cuban people and consolidate their power after the triumph of the revolution in 1959. These organisations were intended to encompass various sectors of society and act as channels for the dissemination of revolutionary ideals, as well as for social surveillance and control. The Committees for the Defence of the Revolution (CDR) were created in 1960 with the mission of promoting social and political vigilance within communities. They were responsible for monitoring counter-revolutionary activities and ensuring citizens' loyalty to the government. These committees played a significant role in anchoring the revolutionary government within neighbourhoods and local communities. The National Association of Small Farmers (ANAP) aimed to bring together small farmers and rally them behind the government's land reform programme. By involving farmers in revolutionary agricultural policies, the ANAP helped to extend the government's influence in rural areas and promote agrarian reform. The Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), founded in 1960, aimed to promote gender equality and integrate women into the government's social and economic projects. Through its work, the FMC has played a crucial role in mobilising women and promoting their rights, thereby helping to broaden the government's support base. The Union of Young Communists (UJC) was designed to educate and mobilise young Cubans around the principles and objectives of the revolutionary government. By actively involving young people, the UJC has helped to perpetuate revolutionary ideals for future generations. In addition to these new structures, existing groups such as the Federation of University Students and the Federation of Cuban Workers were integrated into the network of mass organisations and placed under government control. The Communist Party of Cuba played a crucial role in supporting and guiding these organisations, providing them with organisational assistance and political guidance. By relying on these structures, Castro and his government were able to weave a dense network of popular support, consolidate their control over Cuban society and advance their revolutionary programme. These mass organisations were essential to maintain social cohesion around the revolution and to ensure the active participation of various segments of the population in building the new Cuba.<gallery mode="packed" widths="200" heights="200">
+建立和重组群众组织是菲德尔-卡斯特罗及其政府在 1959 年革命胜利后动员古巴人民、巩固政权的一项重要战略。这些组织旨在涵盖社会各阶层，成为传播革命理想、进行社会监督和控制的渠道。保卫革命委员会（CDR）成立于 1960 年，其使命是提高社区内的社会和政治警惕性。它们负责监督反革命活动，确保公民对政府的忠诚。这些委员会在使革命政府立足于居民区和当地社区方面发挥了重要作用。全国小农协会（ANAP）旨在团结小农，使他们支持政府的土地改革计划。通过让农民参与革命性的农业政策，全国小农协会帮助扩大了政府在农村地区的影响力，促进了土地改革。古巴妇女联合会（FMC）成立于 1960 年，旨在促进性别平等并将妇女纳入政府的社会和经济项目。通过其工作，古巴妇女联合会在动员妇女和促进妇女权利方面发挥了重要作用，从而帮助扩大了政府的支持基础。青年共产党员联盟（UJC）旨在围绕革命政府的原则和目标教育和动员古巴青年。通过让年轻人积极参与，共青团联盟帮助后代继承了革命理想。除这些新机构外，大学生联合会和古巴工人联合会等现有团体也被纳入群众组织网络，并置于政府控制之下。古巴共产党在支持和指导这些组织、为其提供组织援助和政治指导方面发挥了至关重要的作用。依靠这些组织，卡斯特罗及其政府得以编织密集的群众支持网络，巩固对古巴社会的控制，并推进其革命计划。这些群众组织对于维持革命的社会凝聚力和确保各阶层民众积极参与建设新古巴至关重要。<gallery mode="packed" widths="200" heights="200">
 Fichier:Federacion de Mujeres Cubanas.jpg
-Fichier:CubaSocialismoMod.jpg|CDR "Long live socialism" billboard in the countryside, on the way from Havana to Pinar del Río.
+Fichier:CubaSocialismoMod.jpg|从哈瓦那到比那尔德里奥途中，CDR 在乡村的 "社会主义万岁 "广告牌。
 </gallery>
-The Committees for the Defence of the Revolution (CDR) were one of the cornerstones of the social and political infrastructure set up by the Castro government in the early years of the Cuban revolution. Created in 1960, these committees rapidly proliferated across the island, forming a network of local organisations of considerable scale. Their main role was to detect and prevent activities deemed counter-revolutionary. They acted as watchdogs within communities, keeping a close eye on the behaviour and activities of their members. The CDRs were also responsible for promoting and implementing the government's public health and social policies at local level. They organised vaccination campaigns, cleanliness and hygiene initiatives, and played a role in the distribution of food and other essential goods. In addition, the CDRs were responsible for disseminating government propaganda and rallying public support for government initiatives and projects. This mass mobilisation was essential for popular support for the government's policies and for maintaining a sense of unity and solidarity around the ideals of the revolution. However, the surveillance aspect of the CDRs was strongly criticised. They were often seen as instruments of social control, enabling the government to keep an eye on the activities of every individual and to suppress any form of dissent. The collection of information on citizens and the constant surveillance of neighbourhoods were interpreted by many as an infringement of individual freedoms and a form of political repression.
+保卫革命委员会（CDR）是卡斯特罗政府在古巴革命初期建立的社会和政治基础设施的基石之一。这些委员会成立于 1960 年，迅速遍布全岛，形成了一个规模庞大的地方组织网络。它们的主要职责是侦查和防止被视为反革命的活动。它们在社区内充当监督者，密切关注其成员的行为和活动。社区发展委员会还负责在地方一级宣传和执行政府的公共卫生和社会政策。他们组织疫苗接种运动、清洁卫生活动，并在食品和其他必需品的分配方面发挥作用。此外，社区发展与重建委员会还负责传播政府宣传信息，动员公众支持政府举措和项目。这种群众动员对于民众支持政府的政策、保持围绕革命理想的统一和团结意识至关重要。然而，CDR 的监督功能受到了强烈批评。它们往往被视为社会控制的工具，使政府能够监视每个人的活动，镇压任何形式的异议。许多人认为，收集公民信息和持续监视居民区是对个人自由的侵犯，也是一种政治压迫。
-Open and widely encouraged membership of the Committees for the Defence of the Revolution (CDR) played a central role in the Cuban revolutionary experience. By the early 1960s, a large proportion of Cuba's adult population had joined the ranks of the CDRs, making these committees a ubiquitous part of daily life on the island. This massive membership was seen by the government as a validation of the revolution and its aims. The CDRs served as effective channels for popular mobilisation, enabling the government to quickly relay its policies and initiatives throughout society. By actively involving citizens in community activities, health campaigns, educational projects, and even in policing their own neighbourhoods, the government was able to strengthen its grip on Cuban society and promote a sense of unity and solidarity around the principles of the revolution. However, this same omnipresence of the CDRs in Cuban life has also been a source of controversy and criticism. For some, the CDRs represented a tool of repression and control, used by the government to monitor citizens' activities and suppress any opposition or difference of opinion. The surveillance of neighbourhoods and the collection of information on individuals were seen by many as violations of privacy and personal freedoms. Ultimately, the CDRs illustrate the complexity of the Cuban revolutionary experience, embodying both a form of civic engagement and popular participation, and a mechanism of control and surveillance. This duality reflects the tensions inherent in the Cuban revolution, between aspirations for autonomy and social justice on the one hand, and the centralisation of power and the restriction of individual freedoms on the other.
+在古巴的革命经历中，公开和广泛鼓励加入保卫革命委员会（CDR）发挥了核心作用。到 20 世纪 60 年代初，古巴大部分成年人都加入了保卫革命委员会，使这些委员会成为岛上日常生活中无处不在的一部分。在政府看来，这一庞大的成员队伍是对革命及其目标的肯定。社区发展委员会是动员民众的有效渠道，使政府能够迅速在全社会传达其政策和倡议。通过积极动员公民参与社区活动、健康运动、教育项目，甚至是维持社区治安，政府得以加强对古巴社会的控制，并促进围绕革命原则的统一和团结意识。然而，CDRs 在古巴生活中无处不在，同样也引发了争议和批评。在一些人看来，社区发展研究中心是一种镇压和控制的工具，被政府用来监视公民的活动，压制任何反对或不同意见。许多人认为，监视居民区和收集个人资料是对隐私和个人自由的侵犯。归根结底，"社区发展报告 "说明了古巴革命经历的复杂性，既体现了公民参与和民众参与的形式，也体现了控制和监视的机制。这种双重性反映了古巴革命中固有的紧张关系，一方面是对自治和社会正义的渴望，另一方面是对权力集中和个人自由的限制。
-The scale and scope of the Committees for the Defence of the Revolution (CDR) in the early years of the Cuban revolution were remarkable. With over 2 million members in the early 1960s, the CDRs constituted a considerable force and were deeply embedded in Cuba's social and political structure. Their presence in almost every aspect of Cuban daily life reflected the way in which the revolution sought to establish itself and mobilise popular support. The organisational structure of the CDRs, which operated through local committees in neighbourhoods, workplaces and schools, enabled direct and constant interaction with the population. These local committees were responsible for implementing government initiatives, community monitoring and promoting civic engagement. The fact that the members of the CDRs were mainly volunteers testifies to the commitment and enthusiasm of many Cubans for the ideals of the revolution. These volunteers, often passionate about the goals of social justice and national autonomy, played a crucial role in spreading revolutionary principles and implementing government policies at the local level. However, the wide reach of the RDCs and their role in monitoring and controlling the activities of citizens has also raised concerns about human rights and individual freedoms. Critics have often pointed to the CDRs' intrusiveness into the private lives of Cubans and their role in limiting political dissent. Overall, the CDRs illustrate the Cuban government's strategy of engaging the population in the revolutionary process while maintaining tight control over society, a strategy that has been both effective and controversial.
+古巴革命初期，保卫革命委员会（CDR）的规模和范围令人瞩目。20 世纪 60 年代初，保卫革命委员会拥有 200 多万成员，是一支相当庞大的力量，深深扎根于古巴的社会和政治结构之中。他们几乎参与了古巴日常生活的方方面面，这反映了古巴革命试图建立自己并动员民众支持的方式。民革的组织结构通过社区、工作场所和学校的地方委员会开展活动，从而能够与民众进行直接和持续的互动。这些地方委员会负责实施政府倡议、社区监督和促进公民参与。社区发展委员会的成员主要是志愿者，这一事实证明了许多古巴人对革命理想的承诺和热情。这些志愿者往往热衷于社会正义和民族自治的目标，在传播革命原则和在地方一级执行政府政策方面发挥了至关重要的作用。然而，区域发展委员会的广泛影响力及其在监督和控制公民活动方面的作用也引发了对人权和个人自由的担忧。批评者经常指出，地区发展委员会干涉了古巴人的私人生活，并在限制不同政见方面发挥了作用。总体而言，古巴革命委员会表明了古巴政府在保持对社会严密控制的同时让民众参与革命进程的策略，这一策略既有效又饱受争议。
-The creation of various mass organisations under the Castro government was a key strategy for involving different segments of the population in the Cuban revolution and for implementing social and political reforms. The Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), created in August 1960, was an important pillar in the promotion of gender equality and women's rights in Cuba. The FMC has mobilised women to participate actively in the political and social life of the country, while working to improve their living and working conditions. By encouraging women's participation in revolutionary activities and government programmes, the FMC has played a crucial role in integrating women into the public and professional spheres. The Association of Revolutionary Youth (AJR), also established in 1960, aimed to mobilise young Cubans in support of the revolution. The AJR encouraged the participation of young people in political and social activities and was particularly active in literacy campaigns and the defence of the revolution. The involvement of young people has been crucial in strengthening the revolution's support base and preparing the new generation to adopt and promote revolutionary ideals. The National Association of Small Farmers (ANAP), established in 1961, was designed to support and mobilise small farmers. ANAP worked for agrarian reform and to improve the living conditions of small farmers, who had been marginalised under the previous regime. Through the promotion of agricultural cooperatives and the participation of small farmers in the revolutionary process, ANAP has played a key role in the transformation of Cuba's agricultural sector. These organisations have helped to create a Cuban society that is more inclusive and mobilised around the principles of the revolution, addressing specific groups and responding to their needs while promoting the government's overall vision.
+卡斯特罗政府创建各种群众组织是让不同阶层的民众参与古巴革命、实施社会和政治改革的一项重要战略。1960 年 8 月成立的古巴妇女联合会（FMC）是古巴促进性别平等和妇女权利的重要支柱。古巴妇女联合会动员妇女积极参与国家的政治和社会生活，同时努力改善她们的生活和工作条件。通过鼓励妇女参与革命活动和政府方案，古巴妇女联合会在将妇女纳入公共和专业领域方面发挥了关键作用。革命青年协会（AJR）也成立于 1960 年，旨在动员古巴青年支持革命。革命青年协会鼓励青年参与政治和社会活动，尤其积极参与扫盲运动和捍卫革命的活动。年轻人的参与对于加强革命的支持基础以及培养新一代接受和促进革命理想至关重要。全国小农协会（ANAP）成立于 1961 年，旨在支持和动员小农。全国小农协会致力于土地改革，改善在前政权统治下被边缘化的小农的生活条件。通过促进农业合作社的发展和小农参与革命进程，ANAP 在古巴农业部门的转型中发挥了关键作用。这些组织帮助创建了一个更具包容性的古巴社会，并围绕革命原则进行动员，在促进政府总体愿景的同时，解决特定群体的问题并满足他们的需求。
-After the Cuban revolution, Fidel Castro and his government embarked on a process of consolidating power that involved drastic measures, including the suppression of all political opposition. Those who opposed the new regime or expressed divergent opinions were quickly repressed, leading to the exile of many Cubans. This repression took the form of arrests, imprisonment and, in some cases, executions. At the same time, the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) became the dominant political body, concentrating political power and de facto eliminating political pluralism. This centralisation of power in the hands of the CCP was seen as crucial to the implementation of revolutionary ideals. As part of the transition to a socialist model, many enterprises and industries were nationalised, establishing centralised control over the economy. These nationalisations were aimed at redistributing wealth, eradicating capitalist exploitation and establishing an economic system based on the principles of centralised planning and equality. These measures, although intended to strengthen and consolidate the Cuban revolution, raised significant concerns about human rights and civil liberties. The restriction of multi-party democracy, the suppression of freedom of expression and limitations on political rights have been the subject of international criticism. The human rights record of the Castro regime remains controversial, with differing opinions on the balance between the social achievements of the revolution and the restrictions imposed on individual freedoms.
+古巴革命后，菲德尔-卡斯特罗及其政府开始了巩固政权的进程，采取了严厉措施，包括镇压所有政治反对派。反对新政权或表达不同意见的人很快遭到镇压，导致许多古巴人流亡国外。镇压的形式包括逮捕、监禁，有时甚至处决。与此同时，古巴共产党（PCC）成为占主导地位的政治机构，集中了政治权力，事实上消除了政治多元化。权力集中在古巴共产党手中被视为实现革命理想的关键。作为向社会主义模式过渡的一部分，许多企业和行业被国有化，建立了对经济的集中控制。这些国有化旨在重新分配财富、根除资本主义剥削并建立基于集中计划和平等原则的经济体系。这些措施虽然旨在加强和巩固古巴革命，但却引起了人们对人权和公民自由的严重关切。对多党民主的限制、对言论自由的压制以及对政治权利的限制一直受到国际社会的批评。卡斯特罗政权的人权记录仍存在争议，对于革命的社会成就与对个人自由的限制之间的平衡存在不同意见。
-After taking power, the Cuban government led by Fidel Castro undertook a process of consolidation that led to a significant centralisation of power. This concentration manifested itself in the control of a small group of leaders at the top of the government structure. As part of this consolidation, the regime imposed repressive measures against any form of political dissent. Freedom of expression and assembly were severely restricted, and the media, as well as religious institutions, were under strict state control. These policies have been widely criticised by many international observers for their negative impact on human rights and democracy. Although the Cuban government adopted a socialist ideology, characterised by policies of nationalisation and economic planning, it is true that some essential features of socialism, such as workers' control of the means of production, were not fully implemented in Cuba. Instead, the government has maintained centralised control over the economy, limiting diversity of ownership and the existence of independent enterprises. This approach has inevitably led to a concentration of economic power in the hands of the state. Cuba's policies and political system have been, and continue to be, the subject of intense and controversial debate. Opinions are divided as to the nature of the Cuban regime and its achievements. Some argue that the Cuban government has made significant progress in providing basic services such as education and healthcare to the population. Others, however, point to restrictions on civil and political liberties as a critical aspect of the regime. The extent to which the Cuban system can be described as socialist and democratic remains a subject of complex debate and divergent opinions. Critics often focus on the authoritarian aspects of the regime, while supporters highlight its social achievements and resistance to imperialist hegemony.
+菲德尔-卡斯特罗领导的古巴政府在掌权后开展了一个巩固政权的进程，导致权力高度集中。这种集中表现为一小撮领导人控制着政府的最高层。作为巩固权力的一部分，卡斯特罗政权对任何形式的政治异见者实施镇压措施。言论和集会自由受到严格限制，媒体和宗教机构受到国家的严格控制。这些政策因其对人权和民主的负面影响而受到许多国际观察家的广泛批评。虽然古巴政府采纳了以国有化和经济计划政策为特征的社会主义意识形态，但社会主义的一些基本特征，如工人对生产资料的控制，确实没有在古巴得到充分实施。相反，政府一直保持着对经济的集中控制，限制了所有权的多样性和独立企业的存在。这种做法不可避免地导致经济权力集中在国家手中。古巴的政策和政治制度一直是并将继续是激烈和有争议的辩论主题。人们对古巴政权的性质及其成就众说纷纭。一些人认为，古巴政府在为民众提供教育和医疗保健等基本服务方面取得了重大进展。但也有人指出，对公民和政治自由的限制是该政权的一个关键方面。古巴制度在多大程度上可以被称为社会主义和民主制度，仍然是一个争论不休、众说纷纭的话题。批评者往往侧重于该政权的独裁方面，而支持者则强调其社会成就和对帝国主义霸权的抵抗。
 == Diplomacy and economic reform ==

« 拉丁美洲冷战与古巴革命 » : différence entre les versions

Version du 16 novembre 2023 à 14:53

Sommaire

拉丁美洲的冷战

民主浪潮与美国干预（1944-1946 年）

冷战的影响（1947 年）

反民主浪潮（从 1947 年开始）

拉丁美洲反共十字军东征的三个要素

危地马拉的案例

古巴革命

革命的前奏巴蒂斯塔统治下的古巴

革命的第一步

创建或重组群众组织（1959-1961 年）

Diplomacy and economic reform

Social reforms

The United States versus Cuba: A confrontation that has lasted for decades

The legacy of the Cold War in Latin America and Cuba

Annexes

References

Version du 16 novembre 2023 à 14:53

拉丁美洲的冷战

民主浪潮与美国干预（1944-1946 年）

冷战的影响（1947 年）

反民主浪潮（从 1947 年开始）

拉丁美洲反共十字军东征的三个要素

危地马拉的案例

古巴革命

革命的前奏 巴蒂斯塔统治下的古巴

革命的第一步

创建或重组群众组织（1959-1961 年）

Diplomacy and economic reform

Social reforms

The United States versus Cuba: A confrontation that has lasted for decades

The legacy of the Cold War in Latin America and Cuba

Annexes

References

革命的前奏巴蒂斯塔统治下的古巴