从大棒政策到睦邻政策 - Historique des versions

Arthur : /* 大棒和睦邻政策对拉丁美洲移民美国的影响 */

2023-11-08T14:46:12Z

大棒和睦邻政策对拉丁美洲移民美国的影响

← Version précédente		Version du 8 novembre 2023 à 16:46
Ligne 350 :		Ligne 350 :
	= 大棒和睦邻政策对拉丁美洲移民美国的影响 =		= 大棒和睦邻政策对拉丁美洲移民美国的影响 =

	Mass emigration from Latin America to the United States is a complex phenomenon, shaped by a multitude of economic, social and political factors. Exacerbated economic inequalities, violence, political instability and internal conflicts, which are in part the product of US interventions and policies in the region, have created difficult conditions for many Latin Americans. The economic gap between the US and many Latin American countries, exacerbated by policies that have often favoured US corporate interests at the expense of local economic development, has led many to seek more promising economic opportunities in the north. In addition, authoritarian regimes, often supported by the US for their anti-communist allegiances during the Cold War, have suppressed civil and political liberties, driving many to flee political persecution and violence. In addition, economic dependence and exacerbated inequality have led to high levels of violence and crime, reinforcing the need for security and stability that many had hoped to find in the United States. Drug cartels and gangs, partly the result of the demands of the US market for illegal drugs, have exacerbated this violence. Migration from Latin America has been and continues to be influenced by these complex and interdependent factors. The deep economic, social and political interconnectedness between the United States and Latin America means that the challenges faced in the region have a direct impact on the United States, particularly in terms of migratory movements. Given this dynamic, there is a growing imperative for policies that address the root causes of migration, including economic and political instability and violence. This requires careful reflection on past and present policies and a commitment to approaches that promote economic development, social justice, democracy and human rights across the Western Hemisphere.		从拉丁美洲向美国大规模移民是一个复杂的现象，是由多种经济、社会和政治因素造成的。加剧的经济不平等、暴力、政治不稳定和内部冲突，部分是美国在该地区的干预和政策的产物，为许多拉丁美洲人创造了艰难的条件。美国和许多拉美国家之间的经济差距，因往往有利于美国企业利益而牺牲当地经济发展的政策而加剧，导致许多人到北方寻求更有前途的经济机会。此外，在冷战时期，专制政权往往因反共而得到美国的支持，它们压制公民和政治自由，迫使许多人逃离政治迫害和暴力。此外，经济依赖和不平等加剧导致暴力和犯罪率居高不下，使许多人更加需要安全和稳定，而这正是他们希望在美国找到的。贩毒集团和帮派加剧了暴力，部分原因是美国市场对非法毒品的需求。来自拉丁美洲的移民一直并将继续受到这些复杂和相互依存的因素的影响。美国和拉丁美洲在经济、社会和政治方面有着深刻的相互联系，这意味着该地区面临的挑战对美国有着直接的影响，特别是在移民流动方面。鉴于这种态势，越来越有必要制定政策，从根本上解决移民问题，包括经济、政治不稳定和暴力问题。这就需要对过去和现在的政策进行认真反思，并致力于在整个西半球促进经济发展、社会公正、民主和人权。

	The increase in Central American immigrants to the United States can be attributed to a complex combination of economic, political and social factors in their countries of origin. The economic factor is central: Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala are among the poorest countries in the Americas. Poverty, unemployment and underemployment drive many individuals and families to seek better economic opportunities abroad. Exacerbated economic inequalities, lack of access to quality education and health services, and inadequate infrastructure complicate daily life and limit future prospects. The political factor is also crucial. These countries have a history of unstable governance, widespread corruption and weak political institutions. The inability of governments to provide basic services, protect human rights and create a stable and secure political environment contributes to disillusionment and despair among the population. Secondly, the social factor, and in particular violence, is a key driver of migration. Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala are among the most violent countries in the world outside war zones. Powerful gangs and drug cartel violence, exacerbated by weak state institutions and corruption, create a dangerous environment. Many flee to protect their children from forced conscription into gangs or to escape violence and direct threats to their safety. Finally, environmental factors have also played a growing role in migration. Climate change and natural disasters, including hurricanes, floods and drought, have had a devastating impact on agriculture and livelihoods, exacerbating poverty and food insecurity. The United States is often seen as a refuge offering safety, opportunity and hope for a better life, which is why so many people undertake the perilous journey north. To mitigate this migratory flow, it would be necessary to tackle the root causes of migration, by strengthening economic, political and social stability, and improving security and human rights in these countries of origin.		中美洲移民到美国的人数增加可归因于其原籍国经济、政治和社会因素的复杂组合。经济因素是核心：洪都拉斯、萨尔瓦多和危地马拉是美洲最贫穷的国家之一。贫困、失业和就业不足促使许多个人和家庭到国外寻求更好的经济机会。经济不平等的加剧、优质教育和医疗服务的缺乏以及基础设施的不足使日常生活复杂化，并限制了未来的发展前景。政治因素也至关重要。这些国家历来治理不稳定，腐败盛行，政治体制薄弱。政府无力提供基本服务、保护人权和创造稳定安全的政治环境，这导致了民众的失望和绝望。其次，社会因素，特别是暴力，是移民的主要驱动力。洪都拉斯、萨尔瓦多和危地马拉是世界上除战区外暴力最严重的国家之一。强大的帮派和贩毒集团的暴力行为，再加上薄弱的国家机构和腐败现象，形成了一个危险的环境。许多人逃离是为了保护自己的孩子不被强征入帮派，或者是为了逃避暴力和对其安全的直接威胁。最后，环境因素在移民中的作用也越来越大。气候变化和自然灾害，包括飓风、洪水和干旱，对农业和生计造成了破坏性影响，加剧了贫困和粮食不安全。美国通常被视为避难所，提供安全、机会和改善生活的希望，这也是为什么如此多的人踏上北上的危险旅程。为了减少移民潮，有必要通过加强原籍国的经济、政治和社会稳定，改善安全和人权状况，从根本上解决移民问题。

	Strict immigration policies and control measures on the US-Mexico border have given rise to much controversy and debate. Strategies such as the construction of a border wall have been criticised both for their effectiveness and for their humanitarian implications. The militarisation of the border and restrictive policies have made crossings more dangerous, leading to tragedies where migrants die trying to cross difficult and dangerous terrain. In addition, these policies have often led to the separation of families. Adults may be detained or deported, leaving their children, sometimes US citizens, behind. The conditions in detention centres where immigrants, including children, are held have also been strongly criticised. The implementation of restrictive policies has led to an increase in the number of undocumented people living in the United States, creating an underclass of people who are often exploited and live in constant fear of deportation. It has also contributed to the informal economy, as these individuals often work in conditions that do not meet labour or safety standards. Despite these restrictive measures, the attraction of economic opportunity, security and quality of life in the United States continues to drive immigration, both legal and illegal. To effectively address the issue of immigration, a more comprehensive approach is needed. This may include reforming immigration laws, improving legal channels for immigration, and working with Latin American countries to improve living conditions, reduce violence and create economic opportunities to reduce migration pressure.		严格的移民政策和美墨边境管制措施引发了许多争议和辩论。修建边境墙等策略因其有效性和人道主义影响而受到批评。边境军事化和限制性政策增加了过境的危险性，导致移民在穿越困难和危险地形时丧生的悲剧。此外，这些政策往往导致家庭分离。成年人可能会被拘留或驱逐出境，留下他们的孩子，有时是美国公民。关押移民（包括儿童）的拘留中心的条件也受到强烈批评。限制性政策的实施导致居住在美国的无证人员数量增加，形成了一个底层群体，他们经常受到剥削，生活在被驱逐的恐惧之中。这也助长了非正规经济的发展，因为这些人的工作条件往往不符合劳动或安全标准。尽管采取了这些限制性措施，美国的经济机会、安全和生活质量的吸引力仍在继续推动合法和非法移民。为了有效解决移民问题，需要采取更加全面的方法。这可能包括改革移民法，改善合法移民渠道，与拉美国家合作改善生活条件，减少暴力，创造经济机会，以减轻移民压力。

	The impact of Latin American immigration on the United States is profound and multifaceted. Demographically, the Hispanic population has become one of the country's largest ethnic minorities. This demographic growth has led to increased cultural diversity, enriching the American social and cultural fabric. Culturally, Latin American cuisine, music, art and other cultural expressions have become integral to American culture. Culinary specialities such as tacos, empanadas and arepas are enjoyed everywhere, and cultural events such as Cinco de ~~Mayo and Dia~~ de los Muertos have become popular celebrations. The influence of Latin American music is also omnipresent, with genres such as salsa, reggaeton and bachata enjoying massive popularity. Linguistically, Spanish has become the second most spoken language in the United States. In many regions, the ability to speak Spanish is a valuable asset, and Spanish is widely taught in schools. Politically, the Latin American population in the United States has become increasingly influential. Issues that directly concern this community, such as immigration, border policies and relations with Latin America, have become key issues in American politics. Politicians and political parties are paying particular attention to the concerns and voices of Latin American voters. When it comes to education and the economy, Latin American immigrants and their descendants make a significant contribution. Although they face challenges such as language barriers and limited access to quality education and economic opportunities, many have made enormous strides, contributing to the workforce and to innovation.		拉美移民对美国的影响是深远而多方面的。从人口上看，拉美裔人口已成为美国最大的少数民族之一。人口的增长带来了文化多样性的增加，丰富了美国的社会和文化结构。在文化方面，拉美美食、音乐、艺术和其他文化表现形式已成为美国文化不可或缺的一部分。墨西哥卷饼、空心面饼和阿斯帕饼等特色美食随处可见，五月五日节（Cinco de Mayo）和圣母节（Dia de los Muertos）等文化活动已成为广受欢迎的庆祝活动。拉美音乐的影响也无处不在，萨尔萨、雷加埃顿和巴哈塔等流派的音乐广受欢迎。在语言方面，西班牙语已成为美国第二大通用语言。在许多地区，会说西班牙语是一项宝贵的资产，学校也广泛教授西班牙语。在政治上，美国拉美人口的影响力与日俱增。与该群体直接相关的问题，如移民、边境政策和与拉丁美洲的关系，已成为美国政治的关键问题。政治家和政党特别关注拉美选民的关切和呼声。在教育和经济方面，拉美移民及其后裔做出了重大贡献。虽然他们面临语言障碍、获得优质教育和经济机会有限等挑战，但许多人已经取得了巨大进步，为劳动力和创新做出了贡献。

	~~The Hispanic population in the US has grown significantly, from~~ 4% ~~in 1970 to~~ 18% ~~in 2020, and is projected to reach around~~ 29% by 2050, according to the US Census Bureau. This represents rapid growth that is influencing various aspects of American society. In the field of education, the diversification of the student population is notable. Schools and universities are welcoming a growing number of Hispanic students, which increases the demand for quality education and cultural integration programmes. On the linguistic front, Spanish is becoming increasingly important as a second language in the United States. Millions of Americans are now bilingual, which is influencing communication, the media and the business world. Companies are adapting their marketing and customer service strategies to cater for a growing Spanish-speaking clientele. Politically, the Hispanic population is gaining in influence. Issues relating to immigration and bilateral policies with Latin American countries are increasingly dictated by the 62.1 million people of Hispanic origin in the United States, according to 2020 data. However, this rapid growth also presents challenges. Problems of integration, discrimination and inequality are exacerbated, requiring specific policies and investments to ensure fairness and equal opportunities for all.		根据美国人口普查局的数据，美国的西班牙裔人口增长显著，从 1970 年的 4% 增长到 2020 年的 18%，预计到 2050 年将达到 29%左右。这一快速增长正在影响美国社会的各个方面。在教育领域，学生人口的多样化引人注目。大中小学迎来了越来越多的西班牙裔学生，这就增加了对优质教育和文化融合计划的需求。在语言方面，西班牙语作为第二语言在美国正变得越来越重要。现在，数百万美国人掌握了双语，这对交流、媒体和商界都产生了影响。公司正在调整营销和客户服务战略，以迎合日益增长的西班牙语客户群。在政治上，西班牙裔人口的影响力也在增加。根据 2020 年的数据，美国有 6210 万西语裔人口，他们对移民问题以及与拉美国家的双边政策越来越有发言权。然而，这种快速增长也带来了挑战。融合、歧视和不平等问题加剧，需要具体的政策和投资来确保所有人的公平和平等机会。

	The Hispanic population in the United States has grown not only in numbers, but also in influence, making a profound mark on national culture and politics. Cultural contributions are evident in the growing popularity of Hispanic music, the ubiquitous presence of Latin American cuisine, and the flourishing of arts and traditions that reflect the diversity and richness of Hispanic cultures. Spanish, in particular, has consolidated its place as an influential language in the United States, with an estimated 42 million native speakers and millions more speaking it as a second language, enriching the country's multilingual fabric and stimulating bilingualism. Politically, the Hispanic community is a key player. According to data from the US Census Bureau for 2020, the Hispanic population stood at 62.1 million, constituting a significant electoral bloc that cannot be ignored by politicians. Their concerns, values and aspirations are now determining factors in the political arena, influencing public policy, elections and national debates. This influence is reflected in the growing number of Hispanic politicians elected to key positions, from local to national level. Their voices and perspectives enrich the political discourse and contribute to a more inclusive and diverse representation. The Hispanic footprint in the United States is undeniable, with population growth and growing cultural and political influence shaping and redefining American identity, culture and politics in the 21st century.		美国的西班牙裔人口不仅在数量上增长，而且在影响力上也在增长，在国家文化和政治中留下了深刻的烙印。西语裔音乐日益流行，拉美美食无处不在，反映西语裔文化多样性和丰富性的艺术和传统蓬勃发展，这些都体现了西语裔对文化的贡献。西班牙语尤其巩固了其作为美国有影响力语言的地位，据估计，美国有 4200 万西班牙语母语使用者，还有数百万人将西班牙语作为第二语言使用，这丰富了美国的多语言结构，促进了双语教学。在政治上，西班牙裔社区是一个关键角色。根据美国人口普查局 2020 年的数据，拉美裔人口为 6210 万，是政治家不容忽视的重要选举群体。他们的关切、价值观和愿望现在已成为政治舞台上的决定性因素，影响着公共政策、选举和全国辩论。从地方到国家层面，越来越多的拉美裔政治家当选要职，就反映了这种影响力。他们的声音和观点丰富了政治话语，有助于形成更具包容性和多样性的代表性。西语裔在美国的足迹是不可否认的，他们的人口增长以及日益增长的文化和政治影响力塑造并重新定义了 21 世纪的美国身份、文化和政治。

	= ~~Annexes~~ =		= 附件 =
	* Bailey, Thomas A. (1980), A Diplomatic History of the American People 10th ed., Prentice Hall, ISBN 0-13-214726-2		* Bailey, Thomas A. (1980), A Diplomatic History of the American People 10th ed., Prentice Hall, ISBN 0-13-214726-2
	* Barck, Jr., Oscar Theodore (1974), Since 1900, MacMilliam Publishing Co., Inc., ISBN 0-02-305930-3		* Barck, Jr., Oscar Theodore (1974), Since 1900, MacMilliam Publishing Co., Inc., ISBN 0-02-305930-3
Ligne 416 :		Ligne 416 :
	*[http://www.southendpress.org/2005/items/7417/Prologue Blood on the Border: Prologue]		*[http://www.southendpress.org/2005/items/7417/Prologue Blood on the Border: Prologue]

	= ~~References~~ =		= 参考资料 =
	<references/>		<references/>

Arthur : /* 拉丁美洲对大棒政策和睦邻政策的回应 */

2023-11-08T14:45:32Z

拉丁美洲对大棒政策和睦邻政策的回应

Voir les modifications

Arthur : /* 睦邻政策罗斯福外交政策向拉丁美洲的转变 */

2023-11-08T14:44:50Z

睦邻政策罗斯福外交政策向拉丁美洲的转变

Voir les modifications

Arthur : /* 睦邻政策罗斯福外交政策向拉丁美洲的转变 */

2023-11-08T14:43:47Z

睦邻政策罗斯福外交政策向拉丁美洲的转变

Voir les modifications

Arthur : /* 干预方案及其在此期间对拉丁美洲的影响 */

2023-11-08T14:42:59Z

干预方案及其在此期间对拉丁美洲的影响

Voir les modifications

Arthur : /* 美国在拉丁美洲的军事占领 */

2023-11-08T14:42:15Z

美国在拉丁美洲的军事占领

← Version précédente		Version du 8 novembre 2023 à 16:42
Ligne 239 :		Ligne 239 :
	== 美国在拉丁美洲的军事占领 ==		== 美国在拉丁美洲的军事占领 ==

	The Monroe Doctrine and the Roosevelt Corollary are fundamental elements of American foreign policy and have greatly influenced relations between the United States, Latin America and the Caribbean. The Monroe Doctrine (1823), formulated under the presidency of James Monroe, was a direct response to attempts by European powers to reassert their influence in the Americas, following the wars of independence that shook Latin America in the early 19th century. The doctrine established a kind of "~~buffer zone~~", indicating that any European effort to colonise or interfere in the affairs of the Western Hemisphere would be seen as an act of aggression requiring a response from the United States. The Roosevelt Corollary (1904), enunciated by President Theodore Roosevelt, was an extension of the Monroe Doctrine. Roosevelt recognised that, although the Monroe Doctrine sought to prevent European intervention, the United States itself had a role to play in ensuring political and economic stability in the region. This was the justification for the United States feeling obliged to intervene in the internal affairs of Latin American and Caribbean countries in the event of instability, to prevent any "~~invitation~~" for European intervention. This marked a more interventionist turn in US policy towards its southern neighbours. In other words, whereas the Monroe Doctrine was designed to keep Europeans out of the Western Hemisphere, the Roosevelt Corollary added a proactive, even interventionist dimension, authorising the United States to intervene in the affairs of nations in the hemisphere to preserve their independence and maintain order and stability. This laid the foundations for US involvement in Latin American and Caribbean affairs throughout the 20th century.		门罗主义和罗斯福推论是美国外交政策的基本要素，极大地影响了美国、拉丁美洲和加勒比地区之间的关系。门罗主义（1823 年）是在詹姆斯-门罗担任总统期间制定的，是对欧洲列强在 19 世纪初震撼拉丁美洲的独立战争之后试图在美洲重新施加影响的直接回应。该理论建立了一种 "缓冲区"，表明任何欧洲殖民或干涉西半球事务的努力都将被视为侵略行为，需要美国作出回应。西奥多-罗斯福总统提出的罗斯福推论（1904 年）是门罗主义的延伸。罗斯福认识到，尽管门罗主义旨在防止欧洲干涉，但美国本身也应在确保该地区政治和经济稳定方面发挥作用。因此，美国认为有义务在拉美和加勒比国家出现动荡时干预其内政，以防止 "邀请 "欧洲进行干预。这标志着美国对其南方邻国的政策出现了更多的干涉主义转向。换句话说，门罗主义的目的是将欧洲人挡在西半球之外，而罗斯福推论则增加了积极主动、甚至是干涉主义的色彩，授权美国干预西半球国家的事务，以维护其独立并维持秩序和稳定。这为美国在整个 20 世纪参与拉丁美洲和加勒比地区事务奠定了基础。

	~~This period of American history, often associated with Theodore Roosevelt's~~ "~~Big Stick Diplomacy~~"~~, was characterised by an aggressive and interventionist foreign policy. The Roosevelt~~ Corollary to the Monroe ~~Doctrine was explicitly designed to justify such interventions. The underlying idea was that if the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean failed to~~ "~~behave~~"~~, the United States would consider itself entitled to intervene to restore order and stability, to prevent the European powers from doing so. Roosevelt's speech reflects this position:~~ "The chronic injustice or impotence which results from a general relaxation of the rules of civilized society may ultimately require, in America or elsewhere, the intervention of a civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, reluctantly, however, in flagrant cases of injustice and impotence, to exercise international police power." ~~He suggests that in situations of~~ "~~chronic injustice~~" or "~~impotence~~" in the nations of the Western Hemisphere, the United States might feel compelled to intervene. Although formulated as a reluctant and defensive policy, in practice this has led to numerous occupations and military interventions. The Roosevelt Corollary has been used to justify actions such as the occupation of the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Nicaragua, among others. The United States often became involved in the internal affairs of these countries, sometimes establishing de facto administrations and exercising direct or indirect control over their governments and economies. This interventionist approach has been criticised both at the time and in retrospect for prioritising US interests - particularly economic and strategic - to the detriment of the sovereignty and well-being of the nations in the region. It helped shape the tumultuous and often difficult relations between the United States and Latin America throughout the 20th century.		美国历史上的这一时期通常与西奥多-罗斯福的 "大棒外交 "联系在一起，其特点是咄咄逼人的干涉主义外交政策。门罗主义的 "罗斯福推论"（Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine）明确地为这种干涉行为辩护。其基本思想是，如果拉丁美洲和加勒比海国家不 "听话"，美国将认为自己有权进行干预，以恢复秩序和稳定，防止欧洲列强这样做。罗斯福的讲话反映了这一立场： "文明社会规则的普遍放松所导致的长期不公正或无能，最终可能需要一个文明国家在美国或其他地方进行干预，而在西半球，美国对门罗主义的坚持可能迫使美国在公然的不公正和无能的情况下勉强行使国际警察权"。他认为，在西半球国家 "长期不公正 "或 "无能 "的情况下，美国可能会感到不得不进行干预。尽管在制定政策时美国并不情愿，而且采取的是防御性政策，但在实践中，这一政策却导致了多次占领和军事干预。罗斯福推论被用来为占领多米尼加共和国、海地和尼加拉瓜等国的行动辩护。美国经常卷入这些国家的内部事务，有时建立事实上的行政当局，直接或间接控制这些国家的政府和经济。这种干涉主义的做法在当时和现在都受到批评，因为它将美国的利益（尤其是经济和战略利益）放在首位，损害了该地区国家的主权和福祉。在整个 20 世纪，美国与拉丁美洲之间的关系动荡不安，经常陷入困境。

	This corollary has been widely interpreted as a justification for US intervention in the internal affairs of Latin American countries. Under the guise of protecting against European intervention and maintaining stability, the United States extended its influence in the region, often by military means. Roosevelt believed that by ensuring stability in neighbouring countries, the US was promoting its own security and economic interests. The corollary was designed to dissuade the European powers from becoming involved in the affairs of the Western Hemisphere, asserting that the United States would take on this responsibility itself. It was a significant extension of the original Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which was mainly limited to warning European powers not to establish new colonies or intervene in the affairs of independent republics in the Western Hemisphere. The Roosevelt Corollary had long-lasting implications. It instituted a policy of interventionism that lasted for many decades and led to a series of US military interventions and occupations in the Caribbean and Central America. It also fuelled resentment and mistrust of the United States in the region, sentiments that continue to shape inter-American relations to this day. The application of this corollary was most evident during the so-called Banana Wars, a series of US military interventions and occupations in Central America and the Caribbean between the early 20th century and the 1930s. These actions were aimed at protecting American commercial interests, maintaining friendly and stable political regimes, and preventing any potential European interference.		这一推论被广泛解释为美国干涉拉美国家内政的理由。在防止欧洲干涉和维护稳定的幌子下，美国往往通过军事手段扩大其在该地区的影响力。罗斯福认为，通过确保邻国的稳定，美国正在促进自身的安全和经济利益。其推论旨在劝阻欧洲列强不要介入西半球事务，声称美国将自己承担这一责任。这是对1823年最初的门罗主义的重要延伸，当时的门罗主义主要限于警告欧洲列强不要在西半球建立新的殖民地或干涉独立共和国的事务。罗斯福推论》影响深远。它制定了一项持续数十年的干涉主义政策，导致美国在加勒比海和中美洲进行了一系列军事干预和占领。它还加剧了该地区对美国的不满和不信任，这种情绪至今仍在影响着美洲国家间的关系。这一推论的应用在所谓的 "香蕉战争 "中体现得最为明显。"香蕉战争 "是美国在 20 世纪初至 20 世纪 30 年代期间对中美洲和加勒比地区进行的一系列军事干预和占领。这些行动旨在保护美国的商业利益，维持友好和稳定的政治体制，并防止任何潜在的欧洲干涉。

	The United States used a combination of military intervention, diplomacy and economic instruments to exercise its hegemony, bypassing the traditional colonial structure. The US used mechanisms such as the Platt Amendment to exert indirect influence and maintain control. This enabled them to keep a close eye on regional affairs, ensure the protection of their economic and political interests, and prevent the intervention of other foreign powers, particularly European ones. Dollar diplomacy", introduced under President William Howard Taft, was another important mechanism. Its aim was to encourage and protect American investment in the region, thereby consolidating US economic and political influence. This type of intervention was characterised by economic rather than military involvement, although the threat of military intervention remained a key tool for guaranteeing stability and protecting US interests. In short, US strategy in the region was based on a form of "~~informal imperialism~~", where control and influence were maintained not through direct colonisation, but through economic, political and military means. This enabled the United States to become a dominant power in the Western Hemisphere, a position it sought to maintain throughout the twentieth century. The ramifications of this widespread influence are still visible today in the complex relationship between the United States and its neighbours in Latin America and the Caribbean.		美国绕过传统的殖民结构，综合运用军事干预、外交和经济手段行使霸权。美国利用《普拉特修正案》等机制施加间接影响并保持控制。这使他们能够密切关注地区事务，确保其经济和政治利益得到保护，并防止其他外国势力（尤其是欧洲势力）的干预。威廉-霍华德-塔夫脱总统推行的 "美元外交 "是另一个重要机制。其目的是鼓励和保护美国在该地区的投资，从而巩固美国的经济和政治影响力。这种干预方式的特点是经济介入而非军事介入，尽管军事干预威胁仍是保证稳定和保护美国利益的重要手段。简而言之，美国在该地区的战略建立在一种 "非正式帝国主义 "的基础上，即不是通过直接殖民，而是通过经济、政治和军事手段来维持控制和影响力。这使美国得以成为西半球的霸主，并在整个 20 世纪努力维持这一地位。时至今日，美国与其拉丁美洲和加勒比地区邻国之间的复杂关系仍然可以看出这种广泛影响的后果。

	The combination of economic ambitions, geopolitical strategies and the rhetoric of democratisation has shaped a complex interventionist policy. The United States, in balancing its desire for expansion and control with the democratic ideals it advocated, has had to navigate a delicate political terrain. Although public rhetoric often emphasised democratic principles, actions on the ground were largely driven by economic and strategic motivations. US corporate interests were often at the heart of these interventions, and the US government acted to protect and promote these interests. The notion of the 'burden-bearing white man', borrowed from British imperialism, also crept into the American psyche. This idea postulated that it was the responsibility of "~~civilised~~" ~~nations to bring democracy and progress to~~ "~~less developed~~" regions. In practice, however, this often resulted in the imposition of regimes that were pragmatically favourable to American economic and political interests, even to the detriment of local democratic aspirations. Moreover, US involvement in these countries has been marked by a persistent tension between imperialist ambitions and democratic ideals. Although territorial expansion and economic control were clear motivations, they were often cloaked in language that spoke of promoting democracy and freedom. This double discourse led to often contradictory policies and to complex and tense relations with the nations of Latin America and the Caribbean, echoes of which persist in contemporary relations.		经济野心、地缘政治战略和民主化言论相结合，形成了复杂的干预政策。美国在其扩张和控制欲望与所倡导的民主理想之间寻求平衡，不得不在微妙的政治环境中游刃有余。尽管公开言论往往强调民主原则，但实地行动在很大程度上受经济和战略动机的驱动。美国公司的利益往往是这些干预行动的核心，而美国政府的行动则是为了保护和促进这些利益。借鉴自英帝国主义的 "挑重担的白人 "概念也悄然进入了美国人的心理。这种观念认为，"文明 "国家有责任为 "欠发达 "地区带来民主和进步。然而，在实践中，这往往导致强加有利于美国经济和政治利益的政权，甚至损害了当地的民主愿望。此外，美国参与这些国家事务的特点是，帝国主义野心与民主理想之间始终存在紧张关系。尽管领土扩张和经济控制是明确的动机，但它们往往被披上了促进民主和自由的外衣。这种双重话语导致了经常相互矛盾的政策，也导致了与拉丁美洲和加勒比地区国家复杂而紧张的关系，而这种关系的回响在当代关系中依然存在。

	The US Navy was a key instrument in the expansion of American influence in the early 20th century, particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean. This period, often referred to as the golden age of American imperialism, saw the United States expand its presence beyond its own borders. At the heart of these expeditions was the protection of American economic interests. US companies had invested heavily in the region, and the US government saw the protection of these investments as a priority. This included defending commercial assets such as plantations and mines, as well as crucial trade routes such as the Panama Canal. The United States was also concerned about regional stability. It sought to prevent any instability that might jeopardise its interests or allow other powers, particularly European ones, to intervene. Direct intervention, including military occupation, was a means by which the United States imposed order and protected its interests. The US Navy was a key tool for projecting American power. It provided a visible and intimidating presence that underlined America's commitment to the region. It also served as a rapid and effective means of intervening when needed, ensuring that the US could respond quickly to any emerging threats. This was in line with Theodore Roosevelt's 'Big Stick' policy, where the projection of military, and particularly naval, force was central. Maximising naval power strengthened the United States' position as a world power and underpinned its interventionist foreign policy. Naval expansion was closely linked to American imperialism. It has not only provided a means of protecting and extending economic interests, but has also facilitated the projection of US power and the assertion of its influence in the region and beyond. This dynamic has shaped relations between the United States, Latin America and the Caribbean, and continues to influence international interactions to this day.		20 世纪初，美国海军是美国扩大影响力的重要工具，尤其是在拉丁美洲和加勒比地区。这一时期常被称为美帝国主义的黄金时代，美国在这一时期将其影响力扩展到了境外。这些远征的核心是保护美国的经济利益。美国公司在该地区进行了大量投资，美国政府将保护这些投资视为首要任务。这包括保护种植园和矿山等商业资产，以及巴拿马运河等重要贸易路线。美国还关注地区稳定。美国力图防止任何可能危及其利益或允许其他大国（尤其是欧洲大国）进行干预的不稳定局势。直接干预，包括军事占领，是美国强加秩序和保护其利益的一种手段。美国海军是投射美国力量的重要工具。它提供了一个可见的、具有威慑力的存在，强调了美国对该地区的承诺。它还是必要时进行快速有效干预的手段，确保美国能够对任何新出现的威胁做出快速反应。这符合西奥多-罗斯福的 "大棒 "政策，即以军事力量，尤其是海军力量的投射为核心。海军力量的最大化加强了美国作为世界大国的地位，也是其干涉主义外交政策的基础。海军扩张与美帝国主义密切相关。它不仅提供了一种保护和扩大经济利益的手段，而且还促进了美国在该地区内外的力量投射和影响力宣示。这种态势决定了美国、拉丁美洲和加勒比海地区之间的关系，并一直影响到今天的国际互动。

	== ~~Intervention scenarios and their impact on Latin America during this period~~ ==		== 干预方案及其在此期间对拉丁美洲的影响 ==

	[[File:Tr-bigstick-cartoon.JPG\|thumb\|~~Cartoon from~~ 1904 ~~showing Roosevelt with his~~ "~~big stick~~" ~~on patrol in the Caribbean Sea. It symbolises the United States' use of military force to assert its power and control in the region. The expression~~ "speak softly and carry a big stick" is attributed to Roosevelt and reflects his belief that the United States must use a combination of diplomacy and military force to achieve its foreign policy objectives.]]		[[File:Tr-bigstick-cartoon.JPG\|thumb\|1904 年的漫画，表现罗斯福手持 "大棒 "在加勒比海巡逻。这幅漫画象征着美国使用军事力量来维护其在该地区的权力和控制。轻声细语，手持大棒 "这一说法出自罗斯福之口，反映了他认为美国必须结合使用外交和军事力量来实现其外交政策目标的信念。]]

	The phrase "I will teach the nations of America how to elect good men", attributed to President Woodrow Wilson, reflects his belief that the United States had a duty to promote democracy in the region and that it could use military force to intervene in the affairs of other nations in order to promote political stability and good governance. This belief was used to justify numerous US interventions and occupations in the Caribbean and Latin America in the early 20th century. Woodrow Wilson's quote captures the essence of the idealism that often characterised American foreign policy in the early 20th century. Under his administration, a new vision of America as a champion of democracy and justice in the world emerged. Latin America and the Caribbean became a particular arena where this vision was put into practice. Wilson firmly believed in the supremacy of democracy. He saw America as the ideal model of governance and believed in his mission to spread these ideals throughout the world. This ideology was not just theoretical; it was applied in practice through a series of interventions in neighbouring nations. These interventions were often justified in the name of promoting democracy and stability. For example, the occupation of Haiti in 1915 was triggered by political instability on the island and justified by the need to restore order and promote just government. In practice, however, they often resulted in increased American domination and control, rather than genuine democratic independence for the nations concerned. Wilson's phrase illuminates the tension between idealism and imperialism in American foreign policy at the time. On the one hand, there was a sincere belief in democracy and justice. On the other, there was a desire to extend American influence and control foreign resources and markets.		The phrase "I will teach the nations of America how to elect good men", attributed to President Woodrow Wilson, reflects his belief that the United States had a duty to promote democracy in the region and that it could use military force to intervene in the affairs of other nations in order to promote political stability and good governance. This belief was used to justify numerous US interventions and occupations in the Caribbean and Latin America in the early 20th century. Woodrow Wilson's quote captures the essence of the idealism that often characterised American foreign policy in the early 20th century. Under his administration, a new vision of America as a champion of democracy and justice in the world emerged. Latin America and the Caribbean became a particular arena where this vision was put into practice. Wilson firmly believed in the supremacy of democracy. He saw America as the ideal model of governance and believed in his mission to spread these ideals throughout the world. This ideology was not just theoretical; it was applied in practice through a series of interventions in neighbouring nations. These interventions were often justified in the name of promoting democracy and stability. For example, the occupation of Haiti in 1915 was triggered by political instability on the island and justified by the need to restore order and promote just government. In practice, however, they often resulted in increased American domination and control, rather than genuine democratic independence for the nations concerned. Wilson's phrase illuminates the tension between idealism and imperialism in American foreign policy at the time. On the one hand, there was a sincere belief in democracy and justice. On the other, there was a desire to extend American influence and control foreign resources and markets.

Arthur : /* 巴拿马运河与美国对加勒比海和中美洲的控制 */

2023-11-08T14:41:41Z

巴拿马运河与美国对加勒比海和中美洲的控制

Voir les modifications

Arthur : /* 美西战争与波多黎各、关岛和菲律宾的获得 */

2023-11-08T14:40:37Z

美西战争与波多黎各、关岛和菲律宾的获得

Voir les modifications

Arthur : /* 吞并夏威夷 */

2023-11-08T14:38:42Z

吞并夏威夷

Voir les modifications

Arthur : /* 棍棒和睦邻政策的历史 */

2023-11-08T14:36:10Z

棍棒和睦邻政策的历史

Voir les modifications

从大棒政策到睦邻政策 - Historique des versions

Arthur : /* 大棒和睦邻政策对拉丁美洲移民美国的影响 */

Arthur : /* 拉丁美洲对大棒政策和睦邻政策的回应 */

Arthur : /* 睦邻政策 罗斯福外交政策向拉丁美洲的转变 */

Arthur : /* 睦邻政策 罗斯福外交政策向拉丁美洲的转变 */

Arthur : /* 干预方案及其在此期间对拉丁美洲的影响 */

Arthur : /* 美国在拉丁美洲的军事占领 */

Arthur : /* 巴拿马运河与美国对加勒比海和中美洲的控制 */

Arthur : /* 美西战争与波多黎各、关岛和菲律宾的获得 */

Arthur : /* 吞并夏威夷 */

Arthur : /* 棍棒和睦邻政策的历史 */

Arthur : /* 大棒和睦邻政策对拉丁美洲移民美国的影响 */

Arthur : /* 拉丁美洲对大棒政策和睦邻政策的回应 */

Arthur : /* 睦邻政策罗斯福外交政策向拉丁美洲的转变 */

Arthur : /* 睦邻政策罗斯福外交政策向拉丁美洲的转变 */

Arthur : /* 干预方案及其在此期间对拉丁美洲的影响 */

Arthur : /* 美国在拉丁美洲的军事占领 */

Arthur : /* 巴拿马运河与美国对加勒比海和中美洲的控制 */

Arthur : /* 美西战争与波多黎各、关岛和菲律宾的获得 */

Arthur : /* 吞并夏威夷 */

Arthur : /* 棍棒和睦邻政策的历史 */