地结构与乡村社会：前工业化时期欧洲农民分析 - Historique des versions

Arthur le 28 novembre 2023 à 13:51

2023-11-28T13:51:54Z

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	\|[[全球化的经济和社会史，16-21 世纪]]		\|[[全球化的经济和社会史，16-21 世纪]]
	\|[[~~土地结构与乡村社会：~~ 前工业化时期欧洲农民分析]] ● [[旧政体的人口制度：平衡状态]] ● [[十八世纪社会经济结构的演变：从旧制度到现代性]] ● [[英国工业革命的起源和原因]]] ● [[工业革命的结构机制]] ● [[工业革命在欧洲大陆的传播]] ● [[欧洲以外的工业革命：美国和日本]] ● [[工业革命的社会成本]] ● [[第一次全球化周期阶段的历史分析]] ● [[各国市场的动态和产品贸易的全球化]] ● [[全球移民体系的形成]] ● [[货币市场全球化的动态和影响：英国和法国的核心作用]] ● [[工业革命时期社会结构和社会关系的变革]] ● [[第三世界的起源和殖民化的影响]] ● [[第三世界的失败与障碍]] ● [[不断变化的工作方法：十九世纪末至二十世纪中叶不断演变的生产关系]] ● [[西方经济的黄金时代：辉煌三十年（1945-1973 年）]] ● [[变化中的世界经济：1973-2007 年]] ● [[福利国家的挑战]] ● [[围绕殖民化：对发展的担忧和希望]] ● [[断裂的时代：国际经济的挑战与机遇]] ● [[全球化与 "第三世界 "的发展模式]]		\|[[地结构与乡村社会：前工业化时期欧洲农民分析]] ● [[旧政体的人口制度：平衡状态]] ● [[十八世纪社会经济结构的演变：从旧制度到现代性]] ● [[英国工业革命的起源和原因]]] ● [[工业革命的结构机制]] ● [[工业革命在欧洲大陆的传播]] ● [[欧洲以外的工业革命：美国和日本]] ● [[工业革命的社会成本]] ● [[第一次全球化周期阶段的历史分析]] ● [[各国市场的动态和产品贸易的全球化]] ● [[全球移民体系的形成]] ● [[货币市场全球化的动态和影响：英国和法国的核心作用]] ● [[工业革命时期社会结构和社会关系的变革]] ● [[第三世界的起源和殖民化的影响]] ● [[第三世界的失败与障碍]] ● [[不断变化的工作方法：十九世纪末至二十世纪中叶不断演变的生产关系]] ● [[西方经济的黄金时代：辉煌三十年（1945-1973 年）]] ● [[变化中的世界经济：1973-2007 年]] ● [[福利国家的挑战]] ● [[围绕殖民化：对发展的担忧和希望]] ● [[断裂的时代：国际经济的挑战与机遇]] ● [[全球化与 "第三世界 "的发展模式]]
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Arthur le 28 novembre 2023 à 13:49

2023-11-28T13:49:09Z

← Version précédente		Version du 28 novembre 2023 à 15:49
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	\|[[~~Economic and social history of globalisation, 16th~~-~~21st centuries~~]]		\|[[全球化的经济和社会史，16-21 世纪]]
	\|[[~~Agrarian Structures and Rural Society: Analysis of the Preindustrial European Peasantry~~]] ● [[~~The demographic regime of the Ancien Régime: homeostasis~~]] ● [[~~Evolution of Socioeconomic Structures in the Eighteenth Century: From the Ancien Régime to Modernity~~]] ● [[~~Origins and causes of the English industrial revolution~~]] ● [[~~Structural mechanisms of the industrial revolution~~]] ● [[~~The spread of the Industrial Revolution in continental Europe~~]] ● [[~~The Industrial Revolution beyond Europe: the United States and Japan~~]] ● [[~~The social costs of the Industrial Revolution~~]] ● [[~~Historical Analysis of the Cyclical Phases of the First Globalisation~~]] ● [[~~Dynamics of National Markets and the Globalisation of Product Trade~~]] ● [[~~The Formation of Global Migration Systems~~]] ● [[~~Dynamics and Impacts of the Globalisation of Money Markets : The Central Role of Great Britain and France~~]] ● [[~~The Transformation of Social Structures and Relations during the Industrial Revolution~~]] ● [[~~The Origins of the Third World and the Impact of Colonisation~~]] ● [[~~Failures and Obstacles in the Third World~~]] ● [[~~Changing Methods of Work: Evolving Production Relationships from the End of the Nineteenth to the Middle of the Twentieth Century~~]] ● [[~~The Golden Age of the Western Economy: The Thirty Glorious Years (1945~~-1973)]] ● [[~~The Changing World Economy: 1973~~-2007]] ● [[~~The Challenges of the Welfare State~~]] ● [[~~Around colonisation: fears and hopes for development~~]] ● [[~~Time of Ruptures: Challenges and Opportunities in the International Economy~~]] ● [[~~Globalisation and modes of development in the~~ "~~third world~~"]]		\|[[土地结构与乡村社会：前工业化时期欧洲农民分析]] ● [[旧政体的人口制度：平衡状态]] ● [[十八世纪社会经济结构的演变：从旧制度到现代性]] ● [[英国工业革命的起源和原因]]] ● [[工业革命的结构机制]] ● [[工业革命在欧洲大陆的传播]] ● [[欧洲以外的工业革命：美国和日本]] ● [[工业革命的社会成本]] ● [[第一次全球化周期阶段的历史分析]] ● [[各国市场的动态和产品贸易的全球化]] ● [[全球移民体系的形成]] ● [[货币市场全球化的动态和影响：英国和法国的核心作用]] ● [[工业革命时期社会结构和社会关系的变革]] ● [[第三世界的起源和殖民化的影响]] ● [[第三世界的失败与障碍]] ● [[不断变化的工作方法：十九世纪末至二十世纪中叶不断演变的生产关系]] ● [[西方经济的黄金时代：辉煌三十年（1945-1973 年）]] ● [[变化中的世界经济：1973-2007 年]] ● [[福利国家的挑战]] ● [[围绕殖民化：对发展的担忧和希望]] ● [[断裂的时代：国际经济的挑战与机遇]] ● [[全球化与 "第三世界 "的发展模式]]
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Arthur : /* 大规模贫困的社会 */

2023-11-28T13:46:58Z

大规模贫困的社会

← Version précédente		Version du 28 novembre 2023 à 15:46
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	[[Fichier:Évolution de la population urbaine et du taux d'urbanisation de l'Europe 1300 - 1750.png\|400px\|vignette]]		[[Fichier:Évolution de la population urbaine et du taux d'urbanisation de l'Europe 1300 - 1750.png\|400px\|vignette]]

	~~This table provides an overview of the demographic and urbanisation progression in Europe between~~ 1300 ~~and~~ 1750. During this period, the European population grew from 75 million to 120 million, reflecting gradual demographic growth despite historical hazards such as the Black Death, which greatly reduced the population in the 14th century. There has also been a trend towards urbanisation, with the number of people living in cities rising from 7.9 to 14.7 million. This urbanisation is slow, however, and does not reflect large-scale migration to cities, but rather their constant development. The percentage of the population living in urban areas remains below 15%, reinforcing the idea of a pre-industrial, mainly agricultural society. The annual variation in the rate of urbanisation and in the total population is fairly small, indicating gradual demographic changes rather than rapid or radical transformations. This suggests that demographic change and urbanisation in Europe were the result of slow and stable evolutions, marked by a gradual development of urban infrastructures and a growing, albeit modest, capacity of cities to support a larger population. In short, these data depict a Europe that is slowly moving towards a more urbanised society, but whose roots remain deeply rooted in agriculture, with cities serving more as commercial and administrative centres than industrial production hubs.		本表概述了 1300 年至 1750 年间欧洲的人口和城市化进程。在此期间，欧洲人口从 7500 万增长到 1.2 亿，反映了人口的逐步增长，尽管历史上发生过黑死病等灾害，导致 14 世纪人口大幅减少。城市化也是一种趋势，居住在城市的人口从 790 万增加到 1470 万。然而，这种城市化进程是缓慢的，并不反映向城市的大规模迁移，而是反映了城市的不断发展。居住在城市地区的人口比例仍然低于 15%，这强化了前工业化社会、以农业为主的观念。城市化率和总人口的年变化相当小，这表明人口在逐渐变化，而不是快速或急剧转变。这表明，欧洲的人口变化和城市化是缓慢而稳定演变的结果，其特点是城市基础设施逐步发展，城市支持更多人口的能力不断增强，尽管这种能力并不强。简而言之，这些数据描绘了一个正在缓慢迈向更加城市化社会的欧洲，但其根基仍深深扎根于农业，城市更多是作为商业和行政中心，而非工业生产中心。

	Living conditions in pre-industrial agricultural societies were extremely harsh and could have a significant impact on people's health and longevity. Subsistence farming, intense physical labour, limited diets, poor hygiene and limited access to medical care contributed to high infant mortality and low life expectancy. An average life expectancy of around 25 to 30 years does not mean, however, that most people died at that age. This figure is an average influenced by the very large number of deaths of infants. Children who survived childhood had a reasonable chance of reaching adulthood and living to 50 ~~or more, although this was less common than it is today. An individual reaching~~ 40 was certainly considered older than by today's standards, but not necessarily an 'old man'. However, the wear and tear on the body due to strenuous manual labour from an early age could certainly give the appearance and aches associated with early old age. People often suffered from dental problems, chronic illnesses and general wear and tear on the body that made them look older than a person of the same age would today, with access to better healthcare and a more varied diet. Epidemics, famines and wars exacerbated this situation, further reducing the prospects of a long and healthy life. This is why the farming population of the time, faced with a precarious existence, often had to rely on community solidarity to survive in such an unforgiving environment.		前工业化农业社会的生活条件极其恶劣，对人们的健康和寿命有很大影响。自给自足的耕作、高强度的体力劳动、有限的饮食、恶劣的卫生条件和有限的医疗服务导致婴儿死亡率高和预期寿命低。然而，25 至 30 岁的平均预期寿命并不意味着大多数人在这个年龄死亡。这个数字只是一个平均值，受到大量婴儿死亡的影响。童年时期存活下来的儿童有合理的机会长大成人，活到 50 岁或更长，尽管这不像今天那么常见。按照今天的标准，一个人活到 40 岁肯定算是老了，但不一定是 "老人"。不过，自幼从事繁重的体力劳动对身体造成的磨损和撕裂，肯定会让人看起来像早年的老人，并伴有疼痛。人们常常患有牙科疾病、慢性疾病和身体的一般磨损，这使他们看起来比今天的同龄人更老，因为今天的人们可以获得更好的医疗保健和更多样化的饮食。流行病、饥荒和战争加剧了这种状况，进一步降低了健康长寿的前景。正因如此，当时的农业人口面对岌岌可危的生存环境，往往不得不依靠社区团结来生存。

	Malnutrition was a common reality for farmers in pre-industrial societies. The lack of dietary diversity, with a diet often centred on one or two staple cereals such as wheat, rye or barley, and insufficient consumption of fruit, vegetables and proteins, greatly affected their immune systems. Deficiencies in essential vitamins and minerals could lead to various deficiency diseases and weaken resistance to infection. Farmers, who often lived in precarious hygiene conditions and in close proximity to animals, were also exposed to a variety of pathogens. A 'simple' flu, in such a context, could prove far more dangerous than in a well-nourished and healthy population. Lack of medical knowledge and limited access to healthcare exacerbated the situation. These populations were also confronted with periods of famine, due to insufficient harvests or natural disasters, which further reduced their ability to feed themselves properly. In times of famine, opportunistic diseases could spread rapidly, transforming benign ailments into fatal epidemics. In addition, periods of war and requisitioning could worsen the food situation of peasants, making malnutrition even more frequent and severe.		营养不良是前工业社会农民的普遍现实。他们的饮食缺乏多样性，通常以一两种主食谷物（如小麦、黑麦或大麦）为主，水果、蔬菜和蛋白质摄入不足，这极大地影响了他们的免疫系统。缺乏必需的维生素和矿物质会导致各种缺乏性疾病，并削弱对感染的抵抗力。农民往往生活在卫生条件极差的环境中，与动物亲密接触，因此也会接触到各种病原体。在这种情况下，"简单 "的流感可能比营养良好的健康人群更危险。医学知识的缺乏和医疗服务的有限使情况更加恶化。由于收成不足或自然灾害，这些人口还面临着饥荒时期，这进一步削弱了他们适当养活自己的能力。在饥荒时期，机会性疾病会迅速传播，将良性疾病转化为致命的流行病。此外，战争和征用时期也会使农民的粮食状况恶化，使营养不良更加频繁和严重。

	In 1588~~, the Roman Gazette ran the headline~~ "À Rome rien de neuf sinon que l'on meurt-de-faim" (Nothing new in Rome except that people were dying of hunger) while the Pope was giving a banquet. These were societies of mass poverty reflected in a precarious situation. There is a striking contrast between the social classes in pre-industrial societies. By reporting on the famine in Rome at the same time as a papal banquet, the Roman Gazette highlights not only social inequality but also the indifference or powerlessness of the elites in the face of the suffering of the most disadvantaged. Mass poverty was a feature of Ancien Régime societies, where the vast majority of the population lived in constant precariousness. Subsistence depended entirely on agricultural production, which was subject to the vagaries of weather, pests, crop disease and war. A poor harvest could quickly lead to famine, exacerbating poverty and mortality. The elites, be they ecclesiastics, nobles or bourgeois in the towns, had far greater means at their disposal and were often able to escape the most serious consequences of famines and economic crises. Banquets and other displays of wealth in times of famine were seen as signs of opulence out of touch with the realities of the people. This social divide was one of the many reasons that could lead to tensions and popular uprisings. History is punctuated by revolts in which hunger and misery drove people to rise up against an order deemed unjust and insensitive to their suffering.		1588 年，《罗马公报》在教皇举行宴会时刊登了 "罗马无新事，唯有饿死人"（À Rome rien de neuf sinon que l'on meurt-de-faim）的标题。这些都是在岌岌可危的情况下反映出的大规模贫困社会。前工业社会的社会阶层之间形成了鲜明的对比。在教皇举行宴会的同时，《罗马公报》报道了罗马的饥荒，这不仅凸显了社会的不平等，也反映了精英阶层面对弱势群体的苦难无动于衷或无能为力。大规模贫困是旧制度社会的一个特征，在那里，绝大多数人都生活在持续的不稳定中。生计完全依赖于农业生产，而农业生产又受制于变幻莫测的天气、虫害、作物疾病和战争。歉收会迅速导致饥荒，加剧贫困和死亡率。精英阶层，无论是教会、贵族还是城镇资产阶级，都拥有雄厚的财力，往往能够躲过饥荒和经济危机带来的最严重后果。饥荒时期的宴会和其他炫富行为被视为脱离民众现实的奢华表现。这种社会鸿沟是导致紧张局势和民众起义的众多原因之一。历史上有许多起义，饥饿和苦难驱使人们奋起反抗被认为是不公正的、对他们的苦难麻木不仁的秩序。

	= ~~Annexes~~ =		= 附件 =

	= ~~References~~ =		= 参考资料 =
	<references/>		<references/>

Arthur : /* 绩效不佳的原因 */

2023-11-28T13:45:06Z

绩效不佳的原因

← Version précédente		Version du 28 novembre 2023 à 15:45
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	== 绩效不佳的原因 ==		== 绩效不佳的原因 ==
	~~The~~ "tyranny of cereals" characterises the major constraints of pre-industrial agriculture. Soil fertility, crucial for good harvests, depended heavily on animal manure and human waste, in the absence of chemical fertilisers. This dependence posed a particular problem in mountainous areas, where the remoteness of livestock farms limited access to this natural fertiliser, reducing crop yields. The cost and logistics of transport, at a time when there were no modern means of transport, made the transfer of goods such as manure, essential for fertilising fields, both costly and impractical over long distances. The farming methods of the time, with their rudimentary tools and poorly-developed ploughing and sowing techniques, did nothing to improve the situation. Wooden ploughs, less efficient than their metal counterparts, were unable to exploit the full potential of cultivated land. What's more, the diet of the time was dominated by the consumption of cereals, seen as a reliable and storable source of calories for times of shortage, particularly in winter. This focus on cereals hindered the development of other forms of agriculture, such as horticulture or agroforestry, which could have proved more productive. The social and economic structure of the feudal system only exacerbated these difficulties. Peasants, weighed down by the weight of royalties and taxes, had little means or incentive to invest in improving their farming practices. And when the weather turned out to be unfavourable, harvests could be seriously affected, as medieval societies had few strategies for managing the risks associated with climatic hazards. In such a context, agricultural production focused more on survival than on profit or the accumulation of wealth, limiting the possibilities for the evolution and development of agriculture.		谷物暴政 "是工业化前农业的主要制约因素。土壤肥力是丰收的关键，在没有化肥的情况下，土壤肥力在很大程度上依赖于牲畜粪便和人类排泄物。这种依赖性在山区造成了特别的问题，因为那里的畜牧场地处偏远，无法获得这种天然肥料，从而降低了作物产量。在没有现代运输工具的时代，运输成本和物流问题使得肥料等肥田必需品的长途运输既昂贵又不现实。当时的耕作方法，工具简陋，犁耕和播种技术落后，根本无法改善这种状况。木犁的效率低于金属犁，无法充分挖掘耕地的潜力。此外，当时的饮食以谷物为主，谷物被认为是一种可靠、可储存的热量来源，可用于冬季等热量短缺时期。对谷物的重视阻碍了其他农业形式的发展，如园艺或农林业，而这些农业形式本可以被证明具有更高的生产力。封建制度的社会和经济结构加剧了这些困难。农民被版税和赋税压得喘不过气来，几乎没有投资改善耕作方式的能力和动力。一旦天气不佳，收成就会受到严重影响，因为中世纪社会几乎没有管理气候灾害相关风险的策略。在这种情况下，农业生产更注重生存，而不是利润或财富的积累，从而限制了农业进化和发展的可能性。

	The low level of investment in pre-industrial agriculture is a phenomenon rooted in several structural aspects of the period. Farmers were often hampered by a lack of financial resources to improve the quality of their tools and farming methods. This lack of capital was exacerbated by an oppressive tax system that left peasants little room to accumulate savings. The tax burden imposed by the nobility and feudal authorities meant that most harvests and income went towards meeting the various taxes and levies, rather than being reinvested in the farm. What's more, the socio-economic system was not conducive to capital accumulation, as it was structured in such a way as to keep peasants in a position of economic dependence. Such was the precariousness of the peasants' situation that they often had to concentrate on satisfying immediate survival needs, rather than on long-term investments that could have improved yields and living conditions. This lack of means for investment was reinforced by the lack of access to credit and an aversion to risk justified by the frequency of natural hazards, such as bad weather or plagues like locust infestations and plant diseases, which could wipe out harvests and, with them, the investments made.		工业化前农业投资水平较低的现象源于当时的几个结构性问题。农民往往因缺乏资金而无法提高工具和耕作方法的质量。压迫性的税收制度使农民几乎没有积累储蓄的余地，这加剧了他们的资金匮乏。贵族和封建当局强加的税收负担意味着大部分收成和收入都用于支付各种税赋，而不是再投资于农场。此外，社会经济制度也不利于资本积累，因为它的结构使农民在经济上处于依赖地位。农民的处境岌岌可危，他们往往不得不集中精力满足眼前的生存需要，而不是进行本可以提高产量和改善生活条件的长期投资。这种投资手段的匮乏又因无法获得信贷和对风险的厌恶而加剧，因为自然灾害（如恶劣天气或蝗灾和植物病害等瘟疫）频频发生，可能会使收成和投资化为乌有。

	The stereotype of the conservative peasant has its roots in the material and socio-economic conditions of pre-industrial societies. In these societies, subsistence farming was the norm: it aimed to produce enough to feed the farmer and his family, with little surplus for trade or investment. This mode of production was closely linked to natural rhythms and traditional knowledge, which had proved its worth over generations. Farmers depended heavily on the first harvest to see them through to the next. So any change in farming methods represented a considerable risk. If they failed, the consequences could be disastrous, ranging from famine to starvation. As a result, deviating from tried and tested practices was not only seen as imprudent, it was a direct threat to survival. Resistance to change was therefore not simply a question of mentality or attitude, but a rational reaction to conditions of uncertainty. Innovation meant risking upsetting a fragile balance, and when the margin between survival and starvation is thin, caution takes precedence over experimentation. Farmers could not afford the luxury of mistakes: they were the managers of a system in which every grain, every animal and every tool was of vital importance. Moreover, this caution was reinforced by social and economic structures that discouraged risk-taking. Opportunities for diversification were limited, and social support systems or insurance against crop failure were virtually non-existent. Farmers often had debts or obligations to landowners or the state, forcing them to produce safely and constantly to meet these commitments. The stereotype of the conservative peasant is therefore part of a reality where change was synonymous with danger, and where adherence to tradition was a survival strategy, dictated by the vagaries of the environment and the imperatives of a precarious life.		对保守农民的刻板印象源于前工业社会的物质和社会经济条件。在这些社会中，自给自足的耕作是常态：其目的是生产足够养活农民及其家人的粮食，几乎没有多余的粮食用于贸易或投资。这种生产方式与自然节律和传统知识密切相关，世世代代的实践证明了其价值。农民主要依靠第一次收成来维持下一次收成。因此，任何耕作方式的改变都意味着相当大的风险。如果失败，后果可能是灾难性的，轻则饥荒，重则饿死。因此，偏离久经考验的做法不仅被视为轻率，更是对生存的直接威胁。因此，抵制变革不仅仅是一个心态或态度问题，而是对不确定性条件的理性反应。创新意味着冒着打破脆弱平衡的风险，而当生存与饥饿之间的差距很小时，谨慎就会优先于实验。农民犯不起错误：他们是一个系统的管理者，在这个系统中，每一粒粮食、每一头牲畜、每一种工具都至关重要。此外，不鼓励冒险的社会和经济结构也强化了这种谨慎。多样化的机会有限，社会支持系统或针对作物歉收的保险几乎不存在。农民往往对土地所有者或国家负有债务或义务，这迫使他们必须安全、持续地生产，以履行这些承诺。因此，保守农民的刻板印象是现实生活的一部分，在那里，变化就是危险的代名词，坚守传统是一种生存策略，由变幻莫测的环境和岌岌可危的生活所决定。

	Maintaining soil fertility was a constant challenge for medieval farmers. Their dependence on natural fertilisers such as animal and human dung underlines the importance of local nutrient loops in agriculture at the time. The concentration of population in urban centres such as Paris created abundant sources of organic matter which, when used as fertiliser, could significantly improve the fertility of the surrounding soils. This partly explains why regions such as the Île-de-France were renowned for their fertile soil. However, the agricultural structure of the time meant that there was a geographical separation between livestock farming and cereal-growing areas. Livestock farms were often located in mountainous areas with less fertile soils, where the land was unsuitable for intensive cereal growing but could support grazing. Grazing areas such as the Pyrenees, the Alps and the Massif Central were therefore far from cereal-growing regions. Transporting the fertiliser was therefore problematic, both in terms of distance and cost. Transport techniques were rudimentary and costly, and infrastructure such as roads was often in poor condition, making the movement of bulky materials such as manure economically unviable. As a result, cereal fields often lacked the nutrients they needed to maintain or improve their fertility. This situation created a vicious circle in which the land was depleted faster than it could be regenerated naturally, leading to lower yields and increased pressure on farmers to feed a growing population.		保持土壤肥力是中世纪农民一直面临的挑战。他们对动物粪便和人类粪便等天然肥料的依赖，凸显了当地养分循环在当时农业中的重要性。巴黎等城市中心的人口聚集创造了丰富的有机物资源，这些有机物用作肥料时，可以显著提高周围土壤的肥力。这在一定程度上解释了为什么法兰西岛等地区以土壤肥沃而闻名。然而，当时的农业结构意味着畜牧业和谷物种植区在地理上是分离的。畜牧场通常位于土壤不太肥沃的山区，那里的土地不适合密集种植谷物，但可以放牧。因此，比利牛斯山、阿尔卑斯山和中央丘陵等放牧区远离谷物种植区。因此，运输化肥在距离和成本方面都存在问题。运输技术简陋，成本高昂，道路等基础设施往往状况不佳，因此运输粪肥等大体积材料在经济上是不可行的。因此，谷物田往往缺乏维持或提高肥力所需的养分。这种情况造成了恶性循环，土地消耗的速度超过了自然再生的速度，导致产量降低，农民养活日益增长的人口的压力增大。

	The perception of gridlock in medieval agricultural societies stems in part from the economic structure of the time, which was predominantly rural and based on agriculture. Agricultural yields were generally low, and technological innovation slow by modern standards. This was due to a number of factors, including a lack of advanced scientific knowledge, few farming tools and techniques available, and a certain resistance to change due to the risks associated with trying out new methods. In this context, the urban class was often perceived as an additional burden for farmers. Although urban dwellers depended on agricultural production for their survival, they were also often seen as parasites in the sense that they consumed surpluses without contributing directly to the production of these resources. The townsfolk, who included merchants, craftsmen, clerics and the nobility, were dependent on the peasants for their food, but did not always share the burdens and benefits of agricultural production equally. The result was an economic system where the peasants, who formed the majority of the population, worked hard to produce enough food for everyone, but saw a significant proportion of their harvest consumed by those not involved in production. This could create social and economic tensions, especially in years of poor harvests when surpluses were limited. This dynamic was exacerbated by the feudal system, where land was held by the nobility, who often imposed taxes and drudgery on the peasants. This further limited peasants' ability to invest in improvements and accumulate surpluses, maintaining the status quo and hindering economic and technological progress.		中世纪农业社会的僵局感部分源于当时以农村和农业为主的经济结构。与现代标准相比，农业产量普遍较低，技术创新缓慢。这是由多种因素造成的，包括缺乏先进的科学知识、可用的农业工具和技术很少，以及由于尝试新方法所带来的风险而对变革产生一定的抵触情绪。在这种情况下，城市阶层往往被视为农民的额外负担。虽然城市居民的生存依赖于农业生产，但他们也经常被视为寄生虫，因为他们消耗剩余资源，却没有直接为这些资源的生产做出贡献。包括商人、手工业者、教士和贵族在内的城镇居民依靠农民获得食物，但他们并不总是平等地分担农业生产的负担和利益。这就形成了这样一种经济制度：占人口大多数的农民辛勤劳作，为每个人生产足够的食物，但他们的收成却有很大一部分被那些不参与生产的人消耗掉了。这可能会造成社会和经济紧张，尤其是在收成不好、盈余有限的年份。封建制度加剧了这种态势，因为土地由贵族占有，而贵族往往向农民征税和强加劳役。这进一步限制了农民投资改良和积累盈余的能力，维持了现状，阻碍了经济和技术进步。

	= ~~The law of~~ 15% ~~by Paul Bairoch~~ =		= 保罗-贝罗奇的 "15%定律 =
	Societies under the Ancien Régime had very strict economic constraints linked to their agricultural base. The ability to support a non-farming population, such as that living in cities, was directly dependent on agricultural productivity. Since agricultural techniques of the time severely limited yields, only a small fraction of the population could afford not to participate directly in food production. The statistics illustrate this dependence. If 75% to 80% ~~of the population had to work in agriculture to meet the food needs of the entire population, this left only~~ 20% to 25% ~~of the population for other tasks, including vital functions within society such as trade, crafts, the clergy, administration and education. In this context, urban dwellers, who represented around~~ 15% of the population, were perceived as 'parasites' in the sense that they consumed resources without contributing directly to their production. However, this perception overlooks the cultural, administrative, educational and economic contribution that these city dwellers made. Their work was essential to the structuring and functioning of society as a whole, although their dependence on agricultural production was an undeniable reality. The activities of city dwellers, including those of craftsmen and tradesmen, did not cease with the seasons, unlike those of peasants, who were less active in winter. This reinforced the image of city dwellers as members of society who lived at the expense of the direct producers, the peasants, whose labour was subject to the vagaries of the seasons and the productivity of the land.		旧制度下的社会与农业基础有着非常严格的经济限制。能否养活非农业人口，如生活在城市中的人口，直接取决于农业生产力。由于当时的农业技术严重限制了产量，只有一小部分人能够不直接参与粮食生产。统计数据说明了这种依赖性。如果 75% 至 80% 的人口必须从事农业以满足全体人口的粮食需求，那么就只剩下 20% 至 25% 的人口从事其他工作，包括贸易、手工业、神职人员、行政管理和教育等社会重要职能。在这种情况下，约占人口 15%的城市居民被视为 "寄生虫"，因为他们消耗资源，却不直接参与生产。然而，这种看法忽视了这些城市居民在文化、行政、教育和经济方面做出的贡献。他们的工作对整个社会的结构和运作至关重要，尽管他们对农业生产的依赖是一个不可否认的现实。城市居民的活动，包括手工业者和商人的活动，并没有随着季节的变化而停止，这一点与农民不同，后者在冬季活动较少。这强化了城市居民作为社会成员的形象，他们的生活是以牺牲直接生产者--农民的利益为代价的，因为农民的劳动受制于变化无常的季节和土地的生产力。

	~~The law of~~ 15% ~~formulated by the historian Paul Bairoch illustrates the demographic and economic limitations of agricultural societies before the industrial era. This law stipulates that a maximum of~~ 15% of the total population could be made up of city dwellers, i.e. people who did not produce their own food and were therefore dependent on agricultural surpluses. During the Ancien Régime, the vast majority of the population - between 75 and 80% - was actively engaged in agriculture. This high proportion reflects the need for an abundant workforce to meet the population's food requirements. However, as farming was a seasonal activity, farmers did not work during the winter, which meant that in terms of the annual workforce, it was estimated that 70-75% ~~was actually invested in agriculture. Based on these figures, this would leave~~ 25 to 30% of the workforce available for activities other than farming. However, it is important to bear in mind that even in rural areas there were non-farm workers, such as blacksmiths, carpenters, priests and so on. Their presence in the countryside reduced the amount of labour that could be allocated to the towns. Taking all these factors into account, Bairoch concluded that the urban population, i.e. those living from non-agricultural activities in the towns, could not exceed 15% of the total. This limit was imposed by the productive capacity of agriculture at the time and the need to provide food for the entire population. As a result, pre-industrial societies were predominantly rural, with urban centres remaining relatively modest in relation to the overall population. This reality underlines the precarious balance on which these societies were based, as they could not support a growing number of city-dwellers without risking their food security.		历史学家保罗-拜罗赫（Paul Bairoch）制定的 "15%定律 "说明了工业时代之前农业社会在人口和经济方面的局限性。该定律规定，城市居民最多只能占总人口的 15%，即不能自己生产粮食，因此只能依赖农业剩余产品的人。在旧政体时期，绝大多数人口（75% 至 80%）都积极从事农业生产。这一高比例反映出需要大量劳动力来满足人口的粮食需求。然而，由于农业是一项季节性活动，农民在冬季并不工作，这意味着在每年的劳动力中，估计有 70-75% 的人实际投入农业。根据这些数字，还有 25% 至 30% 的劳动力可以从事农业以外的活动。然而，重要的是要记住，即使在农村地区也有非农业工人，如铁匠、木匠、牧师等。他们在农村的存在减少了可分配给城镇的劳动力数量。考虑到所有这些因素，白罗赫得出结论，城市人口，即靠在城镇从事非农业活动为生的人口，不能超过总人口的 15%。这一限制是由当时的农业生产能力和为全体人口提供食物的需要所决定的。因此，工业化前的社会主要是农村社会，城市中心相对于总人口而言仍然相对较小。这一现实凸显了这些社会赖以生存的不稳定平衡，因为它们无法在不危及粮食安全的情况下养活越来越多的城市居民。

	~~The concept evoked by Paul Bairoch in his book "From Jericho to Mexico" highlights the link between agriculture and urbanisation in pre~~-~~industrial societies. The estimate that urbanisation rates remained below~~ 15% ~~until the Industrial Revolution is based on a historical analysis of available demographic data. Although the adjustment of~~ 3 to 4 may seem arbitrary, it serves to reflect the margin needed for activities other than agriculture, even taking into account craftsmen and other non-agricultural occupations in rural areas. This urbanisation limit was indicative of a society where most resources were devoted to survival, leaving little room for investment in innovations that could have boosted the economy and increased agricultural productivity. Cities, historically the centres of innovation and progress, were unable to grow beyond this 15% threshold because agricultural capacity was insufficient to feed a larger urban population. However, this dynamic began to change with the advent of the Industrial Revolution. Technological innovations, particularly in agriculture and transport, led to a spectacular increase in agricultural yields and a reduction in transport costs. These developments freed part of the population from the need for agricultural labour, allowing for increased urbanisation and the emergence of a more economically diverse society, where innovation could flourish in an urban environment. In other words, while the societies of the Ancien Régime were confined to a certain stasis due to their agricultural limitations, technological progress gradually unlocked the potential for innovation and paved the way for the modern era.		保罗-拜罗赫在《从杰里科到墨西哥》一书中提出的概念强调了前工业社会中农业与城市化之间的联系。在工业革命之前，城市化率一直低于 15%，这一估计是基于对现有人口数据的历史分析。虽然 3 到 4 的调整看似武断，但它反映了农业以外的活动所需的余地，甚至考虑到了农村地区的手工业者和其他非农业职业。这一城市化限制表明，在当时的社会中，大部分资源都被用于生存，几乎没有空间投资于创新，而创新本可以促进经济发展，提高农业生产率。城市历来是创新和进步的中心，但由于农业能力不足以养活更多的城市人口，城市发展无法超过这 15%的阈值。然而，随着工业革命的到来，这种态势开始发生变化。技术革新，尤其是农业和运输业的技术革新，使农业产量大幅提高，运输成本大幅降低。这些发展将部分人口从对农业劳动力的需求中解放出来，使得城市化进程加快，经济更加多元化的社会出现，创新在城市环境中得以蓬勃发展。换句话说，旧制度时期的社会由于农业的局限性而陷入了某种停滞状态，而技术进步则逐渐释放了创新的潜力，为现代社会的到来铺平了道路。

	= ~~Societies of mass poverty~~ =		= 大规模贫困的社会 =
	[[Fichier:Évolution de la population urbaine et du taux d'urbanisation de l'Europe 1300 - 1750.png\|400px\|vignette]]		[[Fichier:Évolution de la population urbaine et du taux d'urbanisation de l'Europe 1300 - 1750.png\|400px\|vignette]]

Arthur : /* 生计农业 */

2023-11-28T13:43:36Z

生计农业

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	= 生计农业 =		= 生计农业 =
	The transition of peasants from servile status to freedom in Europe in the Middle Ages took place through a multitude of factors that often interacted with each other, and the process was far from uniform across the continent. As the population increased and towns grew, opportunities for work outside traditional agriculture began to emerge, allowing some serfs to aspire to a different life as city dwellers. Changes in farming practices, rising productivity and the beginnings of capitalism with its expanding trade required a freer and more mobile workforce, helping to challenge the traditional servile system. The serfs, for their part, did not always accept their fate unchallenged. Peasant revolts, although often crushed, could sometimes lead to concessions from the nobility. At the same time, certain regions saw legislative reforms that abolished servitude or improved the condition of peasants, under the influence of various factors ranging from economics to ethics. Paradoxically, crises such as the Black Death also played a role in this transformation. The mass death of the population created a labour shortage, giving the surviving peasants greater leeway to negotiate their status and wages. However, despite these advances towards freedom, in the 18th century, while the majority of peasants in Western Europe were free in their own right, their economic freedom often remained limited. Systems of land tenure still required them to pay rents or provide services in exchange for access to land. This was in stark contrast to many parts of Eastern Europe, where servitude persisted, even intensifying in some cases, before finally being abolished in the nineteenth century. The emancipation of Western peasants did not mean, however, that they achieved social equality or total economic independence. Power structures and land ownership remained highly unequal, keeping a large proportion of the rural population in a state of economic dependence, even though their legal status had changed.		在中世纪的欧洲，农民从奴役地位到自由的转变是在多种因素的作用下实现的，而这些因素往往是相互影响的，整个欧洲大陆的转变过程也远非一成不变。随着人口的增加和城镇的发展，传统农业以外的工作机会开始出现，使一些农奴能够向往城市居民的不同生活。耕作方式的改变、生产力的提高以及资本主义的萌芽及其不断扩大的贸易，都需要更加自由和流动性更强的劳动力，这有助于挑战传统的农奴制度。就农奴而言，他们并不总是毫无异议地接受自己的命运。农民起义虽然经常被镇压，但有时也会导致贵族做出让步。与此同时，在经济和伦理等各种因素的影响下，某些地区进行了立法改革，废除了奴役制或改善了农民的状况。令人啼笑皆非的是，黑死病等危机也在这场变革中发挥了作用。人口的大量死亡造成了劳动力的短缺，使幸存的农民有更大的余地来谈判他们的地位和工资。然而，尽管在自由方面取得了这些进步，但在 18 世纪，虽然西欧大多数农民本身是自由的，但他们的经济自由往往仍然受到限制。土地保有制度仍然要求他们支付地租或提供服务以换取土地使用权。这与东欧许多地区形成了鲜明对比，在那里，奴役一直存在，在某些情况下甚至愈演愈烈，直到 19 世纪才最终废除。然而，西方农民的解放并不意味着他们实现了社会平等或完全的经济独立。权力结构和土地所有权仍然极不平等，使很大一部分农村人口处于经济依赖状态，即使他们的法律地位已经改变。

	In the pre-industrial era, agriculture was the basis of survival for the vast majority of Europeans. This agriculture was strongly oriented towards cereal production, with wheat and barley being the main crops. Peasants produced what they consumed, working essentially to feed their families and to ensure a bare minimum for survival. Cereals were so important that they accounted for three quarters of their diet, hence the expression "~~tyranny of the wheat~~"~~, which illustrates the dependence on these crops. At that time, an individual consumed between~~ 800 ~~grams and~~ 1 ~~kilogram of cereals every day, compared with only~~ 150 to 200 grams in modern societies. This high consumption reflects the importance of cereals as a main source of calories. Cereals were preferred to livestock because they were around ten times more productive in terms of food produced per hectare. Cereals could feed a large population, whereas livestock farming required vast tracts of land for a much lower yield in terms of human calories. However, this type of agriculture was characterised by low yields and great vulnerability to crop failure. In the Middle Ages, sowing one grain could yield an average of five to six grains at harvest time. In addition, part of this harvest had to be set aside for future sowing, which meant a lean period when food reserves dwindled before the new harvest. This period was particularly critical, and famines were not uncommon when harvests were insufficient. As a result, the population lived constantly on a knife-edge, with little margin to cope with climatic hazards or epidemics that could decimate the crops and, consequently, the population itself.		在前工业时代，农业是绝大多数欧洲人赖以生存的基础。这种农业主要以谷物生产为主，小麦和大麦是主要作物。农民自产自销，主要是为了养家糊口，确保最低限度的生存。谷物是如此重要，以至于占了他们饮食的四分之三，因此有 "小麦暴政 "的说法，说明了对这些作物的依赖。当时，一个人每天要食用 800 克到 1 公斤谷物，而现代社会的谷物食用量仅为 150 克到 200 克。这种高消耗量反映了谷物作为主要热量来源的重要性。谷物比牲畜更受欢迎，因为就每公顷的粮食产量而言，谷物要高出十倍左右。谷物可以养活大量人口，而畜牧业需要大片土地，以人类热量计算的产量却低得多。然而，这种农业的特点是产量低，极易歉收。在中世纪，播种一粒谷物，收获时平均只能收获五到六粒。此外，部分收成必须留作未来播种之用，这就意味着在新的收成到来之前会有一个粮食储备减少的歉收期。这一时期尤为关键，当收成不足时，饥荒并不少见。因此，人们一直生活在水深火热之中，几乎没有余力应对气候灾害或流行病，而这些灾害或流行病可能会毁掉庄稼，进而毁掉人口。

	Medieval farming techniques were limited by the technology of the time. Iron production was insufficient and expensive, which had a direct impact on agricultural tools. Ploughshares were often made of wood, a much less durable and efficient material than iron. A wooden ploughshare wore out quickly, reducing the efficiency of ploughing and limiting farmers' ability to cultivate the land effectively. The vicious circle of poverty exacerbated these technical difficulties. After the harvest, farmers had to sell much of their grain for flour and pay various taxes and debts, leaving them with little money to invest in better tools. The lack of money to buy an iron ploughshare, for example, prevented improvements in agricultural productivity. Better equipment would have enabled the land to be cultivated more deeply and more efficiently, potentially increasing yields. Moreover, reliance on inefficient tools limited not only the amount of land that could be cultivated, but also the speed at which it could be cultivated. This meant that even if agricultural knowledge or climatic conditions allowed for better production, material limitations placed a ceiling on what the agricultural techniques of the time could achieve.		中世纪的耕作技术受到当时技术的限制。铁的产量不足且价格昂贵，这对农具产生了直接影响。犁铧通常由木头制成，这种材料的耐用性和效率远不如铁。木制犁铧磨损很快，降低了耕作效率，限制了农民有效耕作土地的能力。贫困的恶性循环加剧了这些技术困难。收成之后，农民们不得不将大部分粮食卖掉换面粉，还要支付各种税款和债务，几乎没有钱投资购买更好的工具。例如，没钱买铁犁铧就阻碍了农业生产力的提高。更好的设备本可以使土地耕作得更深、更有效，从而提高产量。此外，对低效工具的依赖不仅限制了耕地面积，也限制了耕地速度。这意味着，即使农业知识或气候条件允许提高产量，物质条件的限制也为当时的农业技术所能达到的目标设置了上限。

	Soil fertilisation was a central issue in pre-industrial agriculture. Without the use of modern, effective chemical fertilisers, farmers had to rely on animal and human excrement to maintain the fertility of arable land. The Île-de-France region is a classic example where dense urbanisation, as in Paris, could provide substantial quantities of organic matter which, once processed, could be used as fertiliser for the surrounding farmland. However, these practices were limited by the logistics of the time. The concentration of livestock farming in mountainous regions was partly due to the geographical characteristics that made these areas less suitable for intensive cereal farming but more suited to grazing due to their poor soil and rugged terrain. The Alps, Pyrenees and Massif Central are examples of such areas in France. Transporting manure over long distances was prohibitively expensive and difficult. Without a modern transport system, moving large quantities of something as heavy and bulky as manure represented a major logistical challenge. The "tyranny of cereals" refers to the priority given to growing cereals to the detriment of livestock farming, and this prioritisation had consequences for soil fertility management. Where livestock farming was practised, manure could be used to fertilise the soil locally, but this did not benefit remote cereal-growing regions, which needed it badly to increase crop yields. Managing soil fertility was complex and was subject to the constraints of the agrarian economy of the time. Without the means to transport fertiliser efficiently or the existence of chemical alternatives, maintaining soil fertility remained a constant challenge for pre-industrial farmers.		土壤施肥是前工业化农业的核心问题。由于没有现代有效的化学肥料，农民只能依靠动物和人类的排泄物来保持耕地的肥力。法兰西岛地区就是一个典型的例子，在那里，密集的城市化（如巴黎）可以提供大量的有机物，这些有机物经处理后可用作周围农田的肥料。然而，这些做法受到了当时物流的限制。畜牧业集中在山区的部分原因是，这些地区的地理特征使其不太适合集约化谷物种植，但由于土壤贫瘠和地形崎岖，更适合放牧。法国的阿尔卑斯山、比利牛斯山和中央高原就是这样的地区。长距离运输粪肥既昂贵又困难，令人望而却步。在没有现代运输系统的情况下，运输大量像粪肥这样笨重的物品是一项重大的物流挑战。谷物暴政 "指的是优先种植谷物而忽视畜牧业，这种优先次序对土壤肥力管理产生了影响。在实行畜牧业的地方，粪肥可以用来就地培肥土壤，但这并不利于偏远的谷物种植地区，因为这些地区非常需要粪肥来提高作物产量。土壤肥力管理非常复杂，受到当时农业经济的制约。由于没有高效运输肥料的手段，也没有化学替代品，保持土壤肥力对工业化前的农民来说仍然是一个持续的挑战。

	= ~~Low cereal yields~~ =		= 谷物产量低 =

	== ~~Yields remain low~~ ==		== 收益率仍然较低 ==
	~~Agricultural yield is the ratio between the quantity of product harvested and the quantity sown, generally expressed in terms of grain harvested for each grain sown. In pre~~-industrial agricultural societies, low yields could have disastrous consequences. Poor harvests were often caused by adverse weather conditions, pests, crop diseases or inadequate farming techniques. When the harvest failed, the people who depended on it for their livelihood faced food shortages. Famine could result, with devastating effects. The "law of the strongest" can be interpreted in several ways. On the one hand, it can mean that the most vulnerable members of society - ~~the young, the old, the sick and the poor~~ - were often the first to suffer in times of famine. On the other hand, in social and political terms, it could mean that the elites, with better resources and more power, were able to monopolise the remaining resources, thereby reinforcing existing power structures and accentuating social inequalities. Famine and chronic malnutrition were drivers of high mortality in pre-industrial societies, and the struggle for food security was a constant in the lives of most peasants. This led to various adaptations, such as food storage, diversified diets and, over time, technological and agricultural innovation to increase yields and reduce the risk of famine.		农业产量是指收获的产品数量与播种的数量之间的比率，一般用每播种一粒谷物收获多少谷物来表示。在前工业化时代的农业社会，低产量可能带来灾难性后果。歉收往往是由恶劣的天气条件、虫害、作物疾病或耕作技术不足造成的。一旦歉收，靠天吃饭的人们就会面临粮食短缺。饥荒可能导致毁灭性的后果。弱肉强食 "可以有多种解释。一方面，它意味着社会中最脆弱的成员--年轻人、老人、病人和穷人--往往在饥荒时期首当其冲。另一方面，在社会和政治方面，这可能意味着拥有更好资源和更大权力的精英能够垄断剩余资源，从而强化现有的权力结构，加剧社会不平等。饥荒和长期营养不良是前工业社会高死亡率的驱动因素，为粮食安全而斗争是大多数农民生活中的常态。这导致了各种适应措施，如食物储存、多样化饮食，以及随着时间的推移，技术和农业创新，以提高产量和降低饥荒风险。

	~~Agricultural yields in the Middle Ages were significantly lower than those that modern agriculture has managed to achieve thanks to technological advances and improved cultivation methods. Yields of~~ 5-6 to 1 are considered typical for certain European regions during this period, although these figures can vary considerably depending on local conditions, cultivation methods, soil fertility and climate. The case of Geneva, with a yield of 4:1, is a good illustration of these regional variations. It is important to remember that yields were limited not only by the technology and agricultural knowledge of the time, but also by climatic variability, pests, plant diseases and soil quality. Medieval agriculture relied on systems such as three-year crop rotation, which improved yields somewhat compared with even earlier methods, but productivity remained low by modern standards. Farmers also had to save part of their harvest for sowing the following year, which limited the amount of food available for immediate consumption.		由于技术进步和种植方法的改进，中世纪的农业产量大大低于现代农业的产量。在这一时期，欧洲某些地区的典型单产为 5-6 比 1，尽管这些数字会因当地条件、种植方法、土壤肥力和气候的不同而有很大差异。日内瓦的产量为 4:1，很好地说明了这些地区差异。重要的是要记住，产量不仅受到当时的技术和农业知识的限制，还受到气候变异、虫害、植物病害和土壤质量的影响。中世纪农业依靠三年轮作等制度，与更早的方法相比，产量有所提高，但与现代标准相比，生产率仍然很低。农民还必须将部分收成留到第二年播种，这限制了可供直接消费的粮食数量。

	== ~~Reasons for poor performance~~ ==		== 绩效不佳的原因 ==
	The "tyranny of cereals" characterises the major constraints of pre-industrial agriculture. Soil fertility, crucial for good harvests, depended heavily on animal manure and human waste, in the absence of chemical fertilisers. This dependence posed a particular problem in mountainous areas, where the remoteness of livestock farms limited access to this natural fertiliser, reducing crop yields. The cost and logistics of transport, at a time when there were no modern means of transport, made the transfer of goods such as manure, essential for fertilising fields, both costly and impractical over long distances. The farming methods of the time, with their rudimentary tools and poorly-developed ploughing and sowing techniques, did nothing to improve the situation. Wooden ploughs, less efficient than their metal counterparts, were unable to exploit the full potential of cultivated land. What's more, the diet of the time was dominated by the consumption of cereals, seen as a reliable and storable source of calories for times of shortage, particularly in winter. This focus on cereals hindered the development of other forms of agriculture, such as horticulture or agroforestry, which could have proved more productive. The social and economic structure of the feudal system only exacerbated these difficulties. Peasants, weighed down by the weight of royalties and taxes, had little means or incentive to invest in improving their farming practices. And when the weather turned out to be unfavourable, harvests could be seriously affected, as medieval societies had few strategies for managing the risks associated with climatic hazards. In such a context, agricultural production focused more on survival than on profit or the accumulation of wealth, limiting the possibilities for the evolution and development of agriculture.		The "tyranny of cereals" characterises the major constraints of pre-industrial agriculture. Soil fertility, crucial for good harvests, depended heavily on animal manure and human waste, in the absence of chemical fertilisers. This dependence posed a particular problem in mountainous areas, where the remoteness of livestock farms limited access to this natural fertiliser, reducing crop yields. The cost and logistics of transport, at a time when there were no modern means of transport, made the transfer of goods such as manure, essential for fertilising fields, both costly and impractical over long distances. The farming methods of the time, with their rudimentary tools and poorly-developed ploughing and sowing techniques, did nothing to improve the situation. Wooden ploughs, less efficient than their metal counterparts, were unable to exploit the full potential of cultivated land. What's more, the diet of the time was dominated by the consumption of cereals, seen as a reliable and storable source of calories for times of shortage, particularly in winter. This focus on cereals hindered the development of other forms of agriculture, such as horticulture or agroforestry, which could have proved more productive. The social and economic structure of the feudal system only exacerbated these difficulties. Peasants, weighed down by the weight of royalties and taxes, had little means or incentive to invest in improving their farming practices. And when the weather turned out to be unfavourable, harvests could be seriously affected, as medieval societies had few strategies for managing the risks associated with climatic hazards. In such a context, agricultural production focused more on survival than on profit or the accumulation of wealth, limiting the possibilities for the evolution and development of agriculture.

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Page créée avec « Based on a course by Michel Oris<ref>[https://cigev.unige.ch/institution/team/prof/michel-oris/ Page personnelle de Michel Oris sur le site de l'Université de Genève]</ref><ref>[http://cigev.unige.ch/files/4114/3706/0157/cv_oris_fr_20150716.pdf CV de Michel Oris en français]</ref> {{Translations | fr = Structures Agraires et Société Rurale: Analyse de la Paysannerie Européenne Préindustrielle | es = Estructuras agrarias y sociedad rural: análisis del cam... »

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地结构与乡村社会： 前工业化时期欧洲农民分析 - Historique des versions

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Arthur : /* 大规模贫困的社会 */

Arthur : /* 绩效不佳的原因 */

Arthur : /* 生计农业 */

Arthur : /* 国有财产制度 */

Arthur le 28 novembre 2023 à 13:41

地结构与乡村社会：前工业化时期欧洲农民分析 - Historique des versions

Arthur : /* 大规模贫困的社会 */

Arthur : /* 绩效不佳的原因 */

Arthur : /* 生计农业 */

Arthur : /* 国有财产制度 */