工业革命的结构机制 - Historique des versions

Arthur le 30 novembre 2023 à 14:30

2023-11-30T14:30:26Z

← Version précédente		Version du 30 novembre 2023 à 16:30
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	根据米歇尔-奥利斯（Michel Oris）的课程改编<ref>[https://cigev.unige.ch/institution/team/prof/michel-oris/ Page personnelle de Michel Oris sur le site de l'Université de Genève]</ref><ref>[http://cigev.unige.ch/files/4114/3706/0157/cv_oris_fr_20150716.pdf CV de Michel Oris en français]</ref>		根据米歇尔-奥利斯（Michel Oris）的课程改编<ref>[https://cigev.unige.ch/institution/team/prof/michel-oris/ Page personnelle de Michel Oris sur le site de l'Université de Genève]</ref><ref>[http://cigev.unige.ch/files/4114/3706/0157/cv_oris_fr_20150716.pdf CV de Michel Oris en français]</ref>

	{{Translations		{{Translations
	\| fr = Mécanismes structurels de la révolution industrielle		\| fr = Mécanismes structurels de la révolution industrielle

Arthur : /* The simplicity of the technique */

2023-11-30T10:03:08Z

The simplicity of the technique

← Version précédente		Version du 30 novembre 2023 à 12:03
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	工业革命时期，雇主的管理方式多种多样，反映了不同的社会和经济观念。一方面，一些老板以利润最大化为主要动机，选择雇用妇女和儿童，因为他们的工资可能比男性低得多。这种降低成本的策略使他们能够提供更具竞争力的价格，获得更高的利润。这些公司的工作条件往往非常恶劣，员工福利通常也不是优先考虑的问题。另一方面，也有一些老板采取家长式作风。他们可能只雇用男性，部分原因是人们普遍认为男人的职责是养家糊口。这些雇主认为自己有责任为员工谋福利，通常会提供住房、学校或医疗服务。这种做法虽然更人性化，但也是确保员工队伍稳定和敬业的一种方式。在这种家长式心态盛行的公司里，员工可能会有一种道德义务感或社会责任感。这些老板可能认为，照顾员工不仅对企业有利，可以维持一支高效、忠诚的员工队伍，而且也是对社会的一种责任。这两种做法反映了当时人们对工作和社会的复杂且往往相互矛盾的态度。虽然工厂中妇女和儿童的工作条件往往艰苦而危险，但第一批劳动法，如英国 1833 年的《工厂法》，开始限制对最弱势工人的剥削。这些改革开启了改善工作条件的漫长进程，在工业革命结束后仍将持续很久。		工业革命时期，雇主的管理方式多种多样，反映了不同的社会和经济观念。一方面，一些老板以利润最大化为主要动机，选择雇用妇女和儿童，因为他们的工资可能比男性低得多。这种降低成本的策略使他们能够提供更具竞争力的价格，获得更高的利润。这些公司的工作条件往往非常恶劣，员工福利通常也不是优先考虑的问题。另一方面，也有一些老板采取家长式作风。他们可能只雇用男性，部分原因是人们普遍认为男人的职责是养家糊口。这些雇主认为自己有责任为员工谋福利，通常会提供住房、学校或医疗服务。这种做法虽然更人性化，但也是确保员工队伍稳定和敬业的一种方式。在这种家长式心态盛行的公司里，员工可能会有一种道德义务感或社会责任感。这些老板可能认为，照顾员工不仅对企业有利，可以维持一支高效、忠诚的员工队伍，而且也是对社会的一种责任。这两种做法反映了当时人们对工作和社会的复杂且往往相互矛盾的态度。虽然工厂中妇女和儿童的工作条件往往艰苦而危险，但第一批劳动法，如英国 1833 年的《工厂法》，开始限制对最弱势工人的剥削。这些改革开启了改善工作条件的漫长进程，在工业革命结束后仍将持续很久。

	= ~~The simplicity of the technique~~ =		= 技术的简易性 =

	Adapting workers' skills during the first phase of the Industrial Revolution was relatively easy for several reasons. Firstly, early industrial technologies were not radically different from those used in proto-industry or craft workshops. Machines such as the mechanical loom were faster and more efficient than their manual predecessors, but the basic principles of operation were similar. This meant that peasants and craftsmen who already had skills in manual work could be retrained for the fledgling industry with little difficulty. What's more, the relatively simple design of the first industrial machines meant that they could be reproduced by those wishing to enter industry or expand their production without requiring a complex transfer of knowledge. What could be seen as a lack of intellectual property protection at the time actually encouraged the rapid spread of technological innovation and the growth of new industries. However, this easy access to initial industrial skills had social and educational implications. In a largely illiterate England in 1830, education was not yet considered essential for the majority of the working population. Lack of education contributed to a workforce that was perceived as more manageable and less likely to question authority or demand better pay or working conditions. Some industrialists and business lobbies saw mass education as a potential threat to this state of affairs, as a better educated population could become more aware of its rights and more demanding socially and economically. It was only much later, with the rise of more complex technologies such as the steam engine and precision engineering, that the training of the workforce became more necessary and more specialised, leading to a revaluation of technical education. This also marked the beginning of a change in attitude towards the education of workers, as literacy and numeracy skills became increasingly necessary to operate and maintain the complex machinery of the advanced industrial age. The introduction of compulsory primary education in 1880 in England was a turning point, finally recognising the importance of education for individual development and economic growth. It marked the beginning of a realisation that education could and should play a role in improving the living conditions of the working classes and in promoting social mobility.		在工业革命的第一阶段，调整工人的技能相对容易，原因有几个。首先，早期的工业技术与原始工业或手工作坊所使用的技术并无本质区别。机械织布机等机器比以前的手工织布机速度更快、效率更高，但基本操作原理却大同小异。这意味着，已经掌握手工作业技能的农民和手工业者在接受再培训后，几乎不费吹灰之力就能从事新兴产业的工作。此外，第一批工业机器的设计相对简单，这意味着希望进入工业领域或扩大生产的人可以复制这些机器，而不需要复杂的知识传授。在当时看来，缺乏知识产权保护实际上鼓励了技术创新的快速传播和新兴产业的发展。然而，这种容易获得初始工业技能的方式也带来了社会和教育方面的影响。在 1830 年文盲居多的英国，教育尚未被视为大多数劳动人口的必修课。缺乏教育使得劳动力被认为更容易管理，不太可能质疑权威或要求更好的薪酬或工作条件。一些工业家和商业游说团体认为，大众教育是对这种状况的潜在威胁，因为受过良好教育的人可能会更加了解自己的权利，在社会和经济方面的要求也会更高。只是到了后来，随着蒸汽机和精密工程等更复杂技术的兴起，对劳动力的培训才变得更加必要和专业化，从而导致对技术教育的重新评估。这也标志着人们开始改变对工人教育的态度，因为操作和维护先进工业时代的复杂机器越来越需要识字和算术技能。1880 年，英国开始实行义务初等教育，这是一个转折点，最终承认了教育对个人发展和经济增长的重要性。它标志着人们开始认识到，教育可以而且应该在改善工人阶级的生活条件和促进社会流动方面发挥作用。

	The Industrial Revolution marked a radical transformation in the socio-economic structure of Europe and beyond. After centuries in which the majority of the population lived in agrarian societies, dependent on natural cycles and agricultural production, this new paradigm introduced a drastic change. Technological progress, the rise of entrepreneurship, access to new forms of capital and the exploitation of energy resources such as coal and later oil were the driving forces behind this upheaval. The steam engine, innovation in manufacturing processes such as steel production, the automation of textile production and the advent of the railways all played a crucial role in accelerating industrialisation. This period of rapid change was also fuelled by sustained population growth, which provided both a market for new products and an abundant workforce for factories. Urban development was spectacular, attracting rural populations with the promise of jobs and better living conditions, although this promise was often not kept, resulting in difficult urban living conditions. The economy began to specialise in industrial production rather than agriculture, and international trade developed to support and expand these new industries. Nation states began to invest in infrastructure and regulate the economy to encourage industrialisation. The social context also changed. Old hierarchies were challenged and new social classes emerged, including an industrial bourgeoisie and a proletarian working class. These changes laid the foundations for modern societies, with their own political, economic and social challenges. However, the transition from agrarian to industrial societies was not without its challenges. It brought social and economic inequalities, often deplorable working conditions, and had a significant environmental impact that continues to be felt today. Despite this, the dynamics set in motion by the Industrial Revolution are at the root of the unprecedented economic growth and technological development that have shaped the world today.		工业革命标志着欧洲及其他地区社会经济结构的彻底变革。几个世纪以来，大多数人都生活在依赖自然循环和农业生产的农业社会中。技术进步、企业家精神的兴起、新型资本的获得以及煤炭和后来的石油等能源资源的开发是这场动荡背后的驱动力。蒸汽机、钢铁生产等制造工艺的创新、纺织品生产的自动化以及铁路的出现，都在加速工业化的进程中发挥了至关重要的作用。人口的持续增长也推动了这一时期的快速变革，既为新产品提供了市场，也为工厂提供了充足的劳动力。城市的发展令人惊叹，它以就业和更好的生活条件吸引着农村人口，尽管这种承诺往往无法兑现，导致城市生活条件艰苦。经济开始专注于工业生产而非农业，国际贸易的发展支持并扩大了这些新兴产业。民族国家开始投资基础设施建设，并对经济进行调控，以鼓励工业化。社会环境也发生了变化。旧的等级制度受到挑战，出现了新的社会阶层，包括工业资产阶级和无产阶级工人阶级。这些变化为现代社会奠定了基础，同时也带来了政治、经济和社会方面的挑战。然而，从农业社会向工业社会的过渡并非没有挑战。它带来了社会和经济的不平等，工作条件往往十分恶劣，并对环境产生了重大影响，这种影响至今仍在持续。尽管如此，工业革命所激发的动力是塑造当今世界的空前经济增长和技术发展的根源。

	= ~~Annexes~~ =		= 附件 =

	= ~~References~~ =		= 参考资料 =
	<references/>		<references/>

Arthur : /* 与就业有关的社会条件 */

2023-11-30T10:00:43Z

与就业有关的社会条件

← Version précédente		Version du 30 novembre 2023 à 12:00
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	[[Fichier:Lh1 03.jpg\|vignette\|right\|200px\|位于 Creutzwald（洛林）的 La Houve 煤矿。]]		[[Fichier:Lh1 03.jpg\|vignette\|right\|200px\|位于 Creutzwald（洛林）的 La Houve 煤矿。]]

	The Industrial Revolution brought about profound changes in social structure, notably through the movement of people from the countryside to the cities. This massive movement was largely due to enclosures in England, for example, which pushed many peasants off their traditional land, as well as to agricultural transformations that reduced the need for labour. Landless peasants and those who had lost their livelihood as a result of the introduction of new farming methods or mechanisation found themselves looking for work in the cities, where the emerging industrial factories needed labour. This migration was not motivated by the lure of social betterment, but by necessity. Jobs in industry often offered low wages and difficult working conditions. The absence of social legislation at the time meant that workers had very little protection: they worked long hours in dangerous and unhealthy conditions, with no job security, no insurance against accidents at work, and no right to retirement. Historians often speak of "~~negative social fluidity~~" during this period to describe the phenomenon where individuals, far from climbing the social ladder, were instead drawn into a precarious and often exploitative working environment. Despite this, for many, factory work represented the only opportunity to earn a living, even if it meant enduring difficult conditions. It was only gradually, often as a result of crises, trade union struggles and political pressure, that governments began to introduce laws to protect workers. The first laws on child labour, working conditions, working hours and safety laid the foundations for the social protection systems we know today. But these changes took time and many suffered before these protections were introduced.		工业革命带来了社会结构的深刻变化，特别是人口从农村向城市的流动。这种大规模的人口流动主要是由于英格兰的圈地运动，该运动将许多农民从传统的土地上赶了出来，同时农业变革也减少了对劳动力的需求。无地农民和那些因采用新的耕作方法或机械化而失去生计的人发现自己正在城市寻找工作，因为那里新兴的工业工厂需要劳动力。这种迁移并非出于改善社会的诱惑，而是出于生活所迫。工业领域的工作往往工资低、工作条件艰苦。当时缺乏社会立法，这意味着工人几乎得不到任何保护：他们在危险和不健康的条件下长时间工作，没有工作保障，没有工伤保险，也没有退休权。历史学家经常提到这一时期的 "消极社会流动性"，以描述这样一种现象，即个人非但不能攀登社会阶梯，反而被卷入不稳定的、往往是剥削性的工作环境。尽管如此，对许多人来说，工厂工作是谋生的唯一机会，即使这意味着要忍受艰苦的条件。往往是在危机、工会斗争和政治压力下，各国政府才逐渐开始出台保护工人的法律。第一批关于童工、工作条件、工作时间和安全的法律为我们今天所熟知的社会保障体系奠定了基础。但是，这些变革需要时间，许多人在这些保护措施出台之前就已经遭受了苦难。

	Working conditions during the Industrial Revolution reflected the market dynamics of the time, when an oversupply of labour allowed employers to charge very low wages. Women and children were often employed because they constituted an even cheaper workforce than adult men and because they were generally less inclined to unionise and demand better working conditions. These groups were often paid a fraction of what adult men were paid, which further increased the companies' profit margins. In this context, the wages paid to the workers were often no more than the subsistence minimum, calculated according to what was strictly necessary for the survival of the worker and his family. This approach, sometimes described as a "~~subsistence wage~~", left little room for personal savings or improved living standards. A direct consequence of the lack of regulation and social protection was a system where lower wages could be used as a lever to increase profit margins. The entrepreneurs of the Industrial Revolution, often praised for their ingenuity and entrepreneurial spirit, also benefited from a system where production costs could be squeezed to the detriment of workers' welfare. The fact that profits did not have to be shared meant that factory owners could reinvest more of their profits in expanding their businesses, buying new machinery and improving production processes. This undoubtedly contributed to the acceleration of industrialisation and overall economic growth, but this growth came at a high social cost. It took decades of workers' struggles, social activism and legislative reforms to begin to create a more balanced and fair working environment, where workers enjoyed protections and a fairer share of the fruits of economic growth.		工业革命时期的工作条件反映了当时的市场动态，劳动力供过于求使得雇主可以收取极低的工资。妇女和儿童经常被雇用，因为他们是比成年男子更廉价的劳动力，而且他们一般不太愿意组织工会和要求更好的工作条件。这些群体的工资往往只是成年男子工资的一小部分，这进一步提高了公司的利润率。在这种情况下，支付给工人的工资往往不超过维持生计的最低标准，即根据工人及其家庭生存的严格需要来计算。这种方法有时被称为 "维持生计的工资"，几乎没有个人储蓄或提高生活水平的余地。缺乏监管和社会保障的一个直接后果是，在这种制度下，较低的工资可以被用作提高利润率的杠杆。工业革命时期的企业家们往往因其独创性和企业家精神而备受赞誉，他们也从这种可以压低生产成本、损害工人福利的制度中获益。利润无需分享这一事实意味着工厂主可以将更多利润再投资于扩大业务、购买新机器和改进生产流程。这无疑促进了工业化的加速和整体经济的增长，但这种增长也付出了高昂的社会代价。经过几十年的工人斗争、社会活动和立法改革，才开始创造一个更加平衡和公平的工作环境，让工人享有保护，并更公平地分享经济增长的成果。

	Industrialisation, especially in its early stages, benefited significantly from the participation of women and children in the workforce, often under conditions that would be considered unacceptable today. The textile industry, for example, massively recruited women and children, partly because the newly invented machines required less physical strength than previous manual production methods. Dexterity and precision became more important than brute strength, and these qualities were often associated with female workers. What's more, employers could pay women and children less than men, thereby increasing their profits. In the context of the time, child labour was unregulated at the start of the Industrial Revolution. Children were often employed for dangerous tasks or in confined spaces where adults could not easily work. Their wages were derisory compared to those of adult men, often up to ten times less. This reinforced the advantageous position of employers: the abundance of available labour drove down wages overall and increased competition for jobs, contributing to the precariousness of workers' situation. Women were paid around a third of what men were paid for the same work, a disparity that reflected the social norms of the time, when women's work was often considered less valuable. This exploitation of female and child labour is now seen as one of the darkest periods in Western history, and led to the emergence of the first laws on child labour and a more critical examination of working conditions in the fledgling industries. So while industrialisation brought major economic and technical advances, it also highlighted the need for regulation to protect the most vulnerable workers from exploitation. The social movements and reforms that followed were motivated by the recognition that economic progress should not come at the expense of people's dignity and health.		工业化，尤其是其早期阶段，极大地受益于妇女和儿童加入劳动大军，而他们的工作条件往往在今天看来是不可接受的。例如，纺织业大量招募妇女和儿童，部分原因是新发明的机器对体力的要求低于以往的手工生产方式。与蛮力相比，灵巧和精确变得更加重要，而这些品质往往与女工有关。此外，雇主可以给妇女和儿童支付比男性更低的工资，从而增加利润。在当时的背景下，童工在工业革命初期是不受管制的。儿童经常受雇从事危险的工作，或在成人不易工作的狭窄空间工作。与成年男子相比，他们的工资微薄，通常要低十倍。这强化了雇主的优势地位：大量可用的劳动力压低了整体工资，加剧了就业竞争，导致工人的处境岌岌可危。同样的工作，女性的工资约为男性的三分之一，这种差距反映了当时的社会规范，即女性的工作往往被认为价值较低。这种对女性和童工的剥削现在被视为西方历史上最黑暗的时期之一，并导致了第一部关于童工的法律的出现，以及对新兴工业工作条件的更严格审查。因此，工业化在带来重大经济和技术进步的同时，也凸显了监管的必要性，以保护最弱势的工人免受剥削。人们认识到，经济进步不应以牺牲人的尊严和健康为代价，因此才有了后来的社会运动和改革。

	The diversity of management practices among employers at the time of the Industrial Revolution reflected different social and economic attitudes. On the one hand, some bosses, motivated primarily by maximising profits, chose to employ women and children, who could be paid much less than men. This cost-cutting strategy enabled them to offer more competitive prices and make higher profits. Working conditions in these companies were often very harsh, and employee welfare was generally not a priority. On the other hand, there were bosses who took a more paternalistic approach. They might choose to employ only men, partly because of the widespread belief that a man's role was to provide for the family. These employers could see themselves as responsible for the welfare of their employees, often by providing housing, schools or medical services. This approach, while more humane, was also a way of ensuring a stable and dedicated workforce. In companies where this paternalistic mentality prevailed, there could be a sense of moral obligation or perceived social responsibility towards employees. These bosses might believe that looking after their workers was not only good for business, by maintaining a productive and loyal workforce, but also a duty to society. These two approaches reflect the complex and often contradictory attitudes of the time towards work and society. While working conditions for women and children in factories were often difficult and dangerous, the first labour laws, such as the Factory Act of 1833 in Great Britain, began to place limits on the exploitation of the most vulnerable workers. These reforms were the start of a long process of improving working conditions that would continue long after the end of the Industrial Revolution.		工业革命时期，雇主的管理方式多种多样，反映了不同的社会和经济观念。一方面，一些老板以利润最大化为主要动机，选择雇用妇女和儿童，因为他们的工资可能比男性低得多。这种降低成本的策略使他们能够提供更具竞争力的价格，获得更高的利润。这些公司的工作条件往往非常恶劣，员工福利通常也不是优先考虑的问题。另一方面，也有一些老板采取家长式作风。他们可能只雇用男性，部分原因是人们普遍认为男人的职责是养家糊口。这些雇主认为自己有责任为员工谋福利，通常会提供住房、学校或医疗服务。这种做法虽然更人性化，但也是确保员工队伍稳定和敬业的一种方式。在这种家长式心态盛行的公司里，员工可能会有一种道德义务感或社会责任感。这些老板可能认为，照顾员工不仅对企业有利，可以维持一支高效、忠诚的员工队伍，而且也是对社会的一种责任。这两种做法反映了当时人们对工作和社会的复杂且往往相互矛盾的态度。虽然工厂中妇女和儿童的工作条件往往艰苦而危险，但第一批劳动法，如英国 1833 年的《工厂法》，开始限制对最弱势工人的剥削。这些改革开启了改善工作条件的漫长进程，在工业革命结束后仍将持续很久。

	= The simplicity of the technique =		= The simplicity of the technique =

Arthur : /* 克虏伯公司的例子 */

2023-11-30T09:59:41Z

克虏伯公司的例子

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	[[Image:Alfred Krupp.jpg\|thumb\|180px\|right\|阿尔弗雷德-克虏伯（Alfred Krupp）。]]		[[Image:Alfred Krupp.jpg\|thumb\|180px\|right\|阿尔弗雷德-克虏伯（Alfred Krupp）。]]

	~~The case of Krupp is a perfect illustration of the transition that has taken place in the industrial landscape since the Industrial Revolution. Founded in~~ 1811, Krupp began as a small company and grew to become an international industrial conglomerate, symbolising the growth potential that characterised this era of economic transformation. At the start of the Industrial Revolution, the flexibility of small businesses was an advantage in a rapidly changing market, where technical innovations could be quickly adopted and implemented. In addition, the often lax regulatory framework allowed small entities to thrive without the administrative and financial burdens that can accompany large companies in modern economies. However, as the industrial age progressed, factors such as the development of transport systems (rail, sea, road) and the globalisation of trade began to favour companies capable of producing on a large scale and distributing their products more widely. These companies, such as Krupp, were able to invest in heavy infrastructure, adopt cutting-edge technologies, extend their grip on supply chains and access international markets, giving them a competitive advantage over smaller companies. Krupp's rise reflects this dynamic. The company was able to move with the times, evolving from an iron foundry to a multinational steel and armaments producer, capitalising on wars, the growing demand for steel for construction and general industrialisation, as well as technological innovations. Against this backdrop, small businesses faced major challenges. Without access to the same level of resources, they have found it difficult to compete in terms of price, efficiency and market reach. Many have been absorbed by larger entities or have had to specialise in niches to survive. The ability to withstand crises became an attribute associated with size, and large companies like Krupp were better equipped to deal with economic volatility, wars, financial crises and political change. Their size enabled them to absorb shocks, diversify risks and plan for the long term, a capacity less accessible to smaller companies. Krupp's trajectory is therefore part of the broader logic of industrial and economic development, where corporate structures have had to adapt to the new realities of a rapidly changing world.		克虏伯公司的案例完美地诠释了工业革命以来工业格局的转变。克虏伯公司成立于 1811 年，从一家小公司发展成为一家国际工业集团，象征着这个经济转型时代的增长潜力。在工业革命初期，小企业的灵活性是其在瞬息万变的市场中的优势，技术创新可以被迅速采用和实施。此外，通常宽松的监管框架也使小型实体得以茁壮成长，而无需承担现代经济体中大公司可能面临的行政和财务负担。然而，随着工业时代的到来，运输系统（铁路、海运、公路）的发展和贸易全球化等因素开始有利于有能力进行大规模生产和更广泛分销产品的公司。这些公司（如克虏伯）能够投资于大型基础设施，采用尖端技术，扩大对供应链的控制，并进入国际市场，从而使它们比小型公司更具竞争优势。克虏伯的崛起反映了这一动态。该公司能够与时俱进，从一家铸铁厂发展成为跨国钢铁和军备生产商，充分利用了战争、建筑钢材需求的增长、总体工业化以及技术创新。在此背景下，小企业面临着重大挑战。由于无法获得同等水平的资源，它们发现很难在价格、效率和市场覆盖面方面进行竞争。许多企业被大型企业吞并，或不得不专攻利基市场以求生存。抵御危机的能力成为与规模相关的一个属性，像克虏伯这样的大公司更有能力应对经济动荡、战争、金融危机和政治变革。它们的规模使其能够吸收冲击、分散风险并进行长期规划，而这种能力较小的公司较难具备。因此，克虏伯的发展轨迹是更广泛的工业和经济发展逻辑的一部分，企业结构必须适应快速变化的世界的新现实。

	= ~~Transport costs~~ =		= 运输费用 =

	== ~~High costs: an advantage in the early stages of industrialisation~~ ==		== 高成本：工业化初期的优势 ==
	Before the spread of steamboats and the development of railways, the high cost of transport had a significant impact on industrial and commercial structure. Factories tended to produce for local markets, as it was often too expensive to transport goods over long distances. This period saw the proliferation of small, scattered factories, which met the immediate needs of the local population, with each region often developing its own specialities based on the resources and skills available. Industrial production took place close to sources of raw materials such as coal and iron ore to minimise transport costs. This constraint also stimulated significant investment in transport infrastructure, such as canals and railways, and encouraged the improvement of existing roads. When railways became commonplace and steamboats became widespread, the dynamic changed radically. Transport became cheaper and faster, allowing larger, centralised factories to mass-produce and sell their products in wider markets, benefiting from economies of scale. This began to squeeze out small local factories that couldn't compete with the large-scale production and widespread distribution of the big companies, profoundly transforming the industrial economy.		在蒸汽船普及和铁路发展之前，高昂的运输成本对工业和商业结构产生了重大影响。由于长途运输成本过高，工厂倾向于为当地市场生产。在这一时期，小型、分散的工厂大量涌现，它们满足当地居民的直接需求，每个地区往往根据现有的资源和技能发展自己的特色产业。工业生产靠近煤炭和铁矿石等原材料产地，以最大限度地降低运输成本。这种限制也刺激了对运输基础设施（如运河和铁路）的大量投资，并鼓励改善现有道路。随着铁路的普及和蒸汽船的推广，运输方式发生了根本性的变化。运输变得更便宜、更快捷，从而使规模更大、更集中的工厂能够大规模生产，并在更广阔的市场上销售产品，从规模经济中获益。这开始挤压那些无法与大公司的大规模生产和广泛分销竞争的地方小工厂，从而深刻地改变了工业经济。

	High transport costs at the start of the Industrial Revolution effectively created a form of natural protectionism, shielding local infant industries from competition from larger, more established firms. These transport costs acted as unofficial barriers, isolating markets and allowing companies to concentrate on supplying demand in their immediate vicinity. In those days, competition was essentially local; a company only needed to compete within a limited area, where prohibitive transport costs acted as a barrier to distant competition. In its early stages, the Industrial Revolution was strongly marked by its local and regional character. In England, for example, it was the Lancashire region around Manchester that was the cradle of many industrial innovations and developments. Similarly, in France, the Nord and Alsace regions became key industrial centres, as did Catalonia in Spain and New England in the United States. These regions benefited from their own favourable conditions for industrialisation, such as access to raw materials, craft skills and capital. On an international scale, these same transport costs played a crucial role in protecting continental European industries from British industrial supremacy. England, a pioneer of industrialisation with a significant technical lead, could not easily flood the rest of Europe with its products because of these high transport costs. This offered a respite to industries on the continent, allowing them to develop and advance technologically without being swamped by British competition. In this context, high transport costs had a paradoxical impact: they restricted trade and the spread of innovation, but at the same time they encouraged industrial diversification and the development of local capabilities. This is what enabled many regions of Europe and North America to lay the foundations for their own industrial development before the era of globalised trade and large-scale distribution.		工业革命初期高昂的运输成本有效地形成了一种自然保护主义，使地方新兴产业免受规模更大、更成熟企业的竞争。这些运输成本起到了非官方壁垒的作用，隔离了市场，使企业能够集中精力满足周边的需求。在那个时代，竞争基本上是地方性的；公司只需要在有限的区域内竞争，高昂的运输成本成为远距离竞争的障碍。在早期阶段，工业革命具有强烈的地方性和区域性特征。例如，在英国，曼彻斯特周围的兰开夏地区是许多工业创新和发展的摇篮。同样，在法国，北部和阿尔萨斯地区成为重要的工业中心，西班牙的加泰罗尼亚和美国的新英格兰也是如此。这些地区得益于自身工业化的有利条件，如获得原材料、工艺技能和资本。在国际范围内，同样的运输成本在保护欧洲大陆工业免受英国工业霸权影响方面发挥了至关重要的作用。英国是工业化的先驱，在技术上遥遥领先，但由于运输成本高昂，其产品无法轻易涌入欧洲其他国家。这为欧洲大陆的工业提供了喘息的机会，使其能够在技术上发展和进步，而不被英国的竞争所淹没。在这种情况下，高昂的运输成本产生了自相矛盾的影响：它限制了贸易和创新的传播，但同时也鼓励了工业多样化和本地能力的发展。这使得欧洲和北美的许多地区能够在全球化贸易和大规模分销时代到来之前为自身的工业发展奠定基础。

	The development of transport infrastructure, particularly railways, in the second half of the 19th century considerably reduced travel costs and times. The train, in particular, revolutionised the transport of goods and people, making it possible to trade over longer distances and at much lower cost than traditional methods such as transport by cart, horse or waterway. This reduction in transport costs had a major impact on industrial organisation. Smaller industries, which had thrived in a context of high transport costs and were therefore protected from outside competition, began to feel the pressure of larger, technologically advanced companies capable of mass production. These large companies could now extend their commercial reach, distributing their products to much wider markets. With the railway, large companies could not only reach distant markets, but also benefit from economies of scale by centralising their production in larger factories, which reduced their unit costs. This meant that they could offer their products at prices that small local industries, with their higher cost structures, could not compete with. It was against this backdrop that many small businesses were forced to close or transform, while previously isolated industrial regions were integrated into a national and even international economy. The industrial landscape was reshaped, favouring areas with privileged access to new transport infrastructures, and laying the foundations for the globalisation of markets that we know today.		19 世纪下半叶，交通基础设施，特别是铁路的发展大大降低了旅行成本和时间。尤其是火车，它彻底改变了货物和人员的运输方式，使长距离贸易成为可能，而且与传统的车、马或水路运输方式相比，成本要低得多。运输成本的降低对工业组织产生了重大影响。小型工业曾在运输成本高昂的环境下蓬勃发展，并因此免受外部竞争的影响，但现在它们开始感受到能够进行大规模生产的技术先进的大型公司所带来的压力。这些大公司现在可以扩大其商业范围，将其产品分销到更广阔的市场。有了铁路，大公司不仅可以进入遥远的市场，还可以通过将生产集中到更大的工厂来降低单位成本，从而从规模经济中获益。这意味着它们可以以较高的成本结构提供本地小型企业无法竞争的产品价格。正是在这种背景下，许多小企业被迫关闭或转型，而以前孤立的工业地区则融入了国家甚至国际经济。工业版图被重塑，新的交通基础设施为拥有特权的地区提供了便利，为我们今天所熟知的市场全球化奠定了基础。

	= ~~Social conditions relating to employment~~ =		= 与就业有关的社会条件 =

	[[Fichier:Lh1 03.jpg\|vignette\|right\|200px\|La Houve ~~colliery at Creutzwald (Lorraine).~~]]		[[Fichier:Lh1 03.jpg\|vignette\|right\|200px\|位于 Creutzwald（洛林）的 La Houve 煤矿。]]

	The Industrial Revolution brought about profound changes in social structure, notably through the movement of people from the countryside to the cities. This massive movement was largely due to enclosures in England, for example, which pushed many peasants off their traditional land, as well as to agricultural transformations that reduced the need for labour. Landless peasants and those who had lost their livelihood as a result of the introduction of new farming methods or mechanisation found themselves looking for work in the cities, where the emerging industrial factories needed labour. This migration was not motivated by the lure of social betterment, but by necessity. Jobs in industry often offered low wages and difficult working conditions. The absence of social legislation at the time meant that workers had very little protection: they worked long hours in dangerous and unhealthy conditions, with no job security, no insurance against accidents at work, and no right to retirement. Historians often speak of "negative social fluidity" during this period to describe the phenomenon where individuals, far from climbing the social ladder, were instead drawn into a precarious and often exploitative working environment. Despite this, for many, factory work represented the only opportunity to earn a living, even if it meant enduring difficult conditions. It was only gradually, often as a result of crises, trade union struggles and political pressure, that governments began to introduce laws to protect workers. The first laws on child labour, working conditions, working hours and safety laid the foundations for the social protection systems we know today. But these changes took time and many suffered before these protections were introduced.		The Industrial Revolution brought about profound changes in social structure, notably through the movement of people from the countryside to the cities. This massive movement was largely due to enclosures in England, for example, which pushed many peasants off their traditional land, as well as to agricultural transformations that reduced the need for labour. Landless peasants and those who had lost their livelihood as a result of the introduction of new farming methods or mechanisation found themselves looking for work in the cities, where the emerging industrial factories needed labour. This migration was not motivated by the lure of social betterment, but by necessity. Jobs in industry often offered low wages and difficult working conditions. The absence of social legislation at the time meant that workers had very little protection: they worked long hours in dangerous and unhealthy conditions, with no job security, no insurance against accidents at work, and no right to retirement. Historians often speak of "negative social fluidity" during this period to describe the phenomenon where individuals, far from climbing the social ladder, were instead drawn into a precarious and often exploitative working environment. Despite this, for many, factory work represented the only opportunity to earn a living, even if it meant enduring difficult conditions. It was only gradually, often as a result of crises, trade union struggles and political pressure, that governments began to introduce laws to protect workers. The first laws on child labour, working conditions, working hours and safety laid the foundations for the social protection systems we know today. But these changes took time and many suffered before these protections were introduced.

Arthur le 30 novembre 2023 à 09:58

2023-11-30T09:58:34Z

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Arthur le 30 novembre 2023 à 09:56

2023-11-30T09:56:43Z

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	~~Based on a lecture by Michel Oris~~<ref>[https://cigev.unige.ch/institution/team/prof/michel-oris/ Page personnelle de Michel Oris sur le site de l'Université de Genève]</ref><ref>[http://cigev.unige.ch/files/4114/3706/0157/cv_oris_fr_20150716.pdf CV de Michel Oris en français]</ref>		根据米歇尔-奥利斯（Michel Oris）的课程改编<ref>[https://cigev.unige.ch/institution/team/prof/michel-oris/ Page personnelle de Michel Oris sur le site de l'Université de Genève]</ref><ref>[http://cigev.unige.ch/files/4114/3706/0157/cv_oris_fr_20150716.pdf CV de Michel Oris en français]</ref>

	{{Translations		{{Translations
	\| fr = Mécanismes structurels de la révolution industrielle		\| fr = Mécanismes structurels de la révolution industrielle
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	{{hidden		{{hidden
	\|[[~~Economic and social history of globalisation, 16th~~-~~21st centuries~~]]		\|[[全球化的经济和社会史，16-21 世纪]]
	\|[[~~Agrarian Structures and Rural Society: Analysis of the Preindustrial European Peasantry~~]] ● [[~~The demographic regime of the Ancien Régime: homeostasis~~]] ● [[~~Evolution of Socioeconomic Structures in the Eighteenth Century: From the Ancien Régime to Modernity~~]] ● [[~~Origins and causes of the English industrial revolution~~]] ● [[~~Structural mechanisms of the industrial revolution~~]] ● [[~~The spread of the Industrial Revolution in continental Europe~~]] ● [[~~The Industrial Revolution beyond Europe: the United States and Japan~~]] ● [[~~The social costs of the Industrial Revolution~~]] ● [[~~Historical Analysis of the Cyclical Phases of the First Globalisation~~]] ● [[~~Dynamics of National Markets and the Globalisation of Product Trade~~]] ● [[~~The Formation of Global Migration Systems~~]] ● [[~~Dynamics and Impacts of the Globalisation of Money Markets : The Central Role of Great Britain and France~~]] ● [[~~The Transformation of Social Structures and Relations during the Industrial Revolution~~]] ● [[~~The Origins of the Third World and the Impact of Colonisation~~]] ● [[~~Failures and Obstacles in the Third World~~]] ● [[~~Changing Methods of Work: Evolving Production Relationships from the End of the Nineteenth to the Middle of the Twentieth Century~~]] ● [[~~The Golden Age of the Western Economy: The Thirty Glorious Years (1945~~-1973)]] ● [[~~The Changing World Economy: 1973~~-2007]] ● [[~~The Challenges of the Welfare State~~]] ● [[~~Around colonisation: fears and hopes for development~~]] ● [[~~Time of Ruptures: Challenges and Opportunities in the International Economy~~]] ● [[~~Globalisation and modes of development in the~~ "~~third world~~"]]		\|[[地结构与乡村社会：前工业化时期欧洲农民分析]] ● [[旧政体的人口制度：平衡状态]] ● [[十八世纪社会经济结构的演变：从旧制度到现代性]] ● [[英国工业革命的起源和原因]]] ● [[工业革命的结构机制]] ● [[工业革命在欧洲大陆的传播]] ● [[欧洲以外的工业革命：美国和日本]] ● [[工业革命的社会成本]] ● [[第一次全球化周期阶段的历史分析]] ● [[各国市场的动态和产品贸易的全球化]] ● [[全球移民体系的形成]] ● [[货币市场全球化的动态和影响：英国和法国的核心作用]] ● [[工业革命时期社会结构和社会关系的变革]] ● [[第三世界的起源和殖民化的影响]] ● [[第三世界的失败与障碍]] ● [[不断变化的工作方法：十九世纪末至二十世纪中叶不断演变的生产关系]] ● [[西方经济的黄金时代：辉煌三十年（1945-1973 年）]] ● [[变化中的世界经济：1973-2007 年]] ● [[福利国家的挑战]] ● [[围绕殖民化：对发展的担忧和希望]] ● [[断裂的时代：国际经济的挑战与机遇]] ● [[全球化与 "第三世界 "的发展模式]]
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Arthur : Page créée avec « Based on a lecture by Michel Oris[https://cigev.unige.ch/institution/team/prof/michel-oris/ Page personnelle de Michel Oris sur le site de l'Université de Genève][http://cigev.unige.ch/files/4114/3706/0157/cv_oris_fr_20150716.pdf CV de Michel Oris en français] {{Translations | fr = Mécanismes structurels de la révolution industrielle | es = Mecanismos estructurales de la revolución industrial | it = Meccanismi strutturali della rivolu... »

2023-11-30T09:55:14Z

Page créée avec « Based on a lecture by Michel Oris<ref>[https://cigev.unige.ch/institution/team/prof/michel-oris/ Page personnelle de Michel Oris sur le site de l'Université de Genève]</ref><ref>[http://cigev.unige.ch/files/4114/3706/0157/cv_oris_fr_20150716.pdf CV de Michel Oris en français]</ref> {{Translations | fr = Mécanismes structurels de la révolution industrielle | es = Mecanismos estructurales de la revolución industrial | it = Meccanismi strutturali della rivolu... »