Arthur : /* Understanding Coups d'Etat and Populism in Latin America */

2023-11-10T09:54:02Z

Understanding Coups d'Etat and Populism in Latin America

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	= ~~Understanding Coups d'Etat and Populism in Latin America~~ =		= 了解拉丁美洲的政变和民粹主义 =

	~~The outbreak of the global financial crisis in~~ 1929 was an economic shock that devastated companies and the economy as a whole. American companies, which were heavily invested and operated internationally, were not spared. The effects of the crisis were particularly felt in Latin America, a region where US companies had substantial interests. With the collapse of the stock market and the credit crunch, many companies faced reduced liquidity and lower demand for their products and services. This was exacerbated by the rapid fall in commodity prices, a key component of the economies of many Latin American countries. Foreign investment, particularly from the US, has dried up as US companies and banks struggle to survive. For US companies operating in Latin America, this meant reduced revenues, lower profit margins and, in many cases, unprofitable operations. Capital was difficult to obtain, and without adequate financing, many were unable to maintain normal operations. As a result, many companies downsized, suspended operations or went bankrupt. This period also marked a significant decline in economic relations between the United States and Latin America. Protectionist policies adopted by nations to protect their domestic economies exacerbated the situation, reducing international trade and investment. However, despite the severity of the crisis, it has also served as a catalyst for significant economic and regulatory change. Governments around the world, including those in Latin America, adopted new policies to regulate economic activity, stabilise financial markets and promote economic recovery.		1929 年爆发的全球金融危机是一次经济冲击，对公司和整个经济造成了严重破坏。在国际上大量投资和经营的美国公司也未能幸免。危机对拉丁美洲的影响尤为明显，因为美国公司在该地区拥有大量利益。随着股市崩溃和信贷紧缩，许多公司面临着流动资金减少、产品和服务需求下降的问题。而作为许多拉美国家经济重要组成部分的大宗商品价格的迅速下跌则加剧了这种情况。由于美国公司和银行为生存而挣扎，外国投资，特别是来自美国的投资已经枯竭。对于在拉美经营的美国公司来说，这意味着收入减少、利润率降低，在许多情况下，业务无利可图。资金难以获得，没有足够的融资，许多公司无法维持正常运营。因此，许多公司缩小规模、暂停运营或破产。这一时期也标志着美国与拉丁美洲之间经济关系的显著衰退。各国为保护本国经济而采取的保护主义政策加剧了这一局面，减少了国际贸易和投资。然而，尽管危机十分严重，但它也成为了重大经济和监管变革的催化剂。包括拉丁美洲国家在内的世界各国政府都采取了新的政策来规范经济活动、稳定金融市场和促进经济复苏。

	~~The crisis of~~ 1929 highlighted the vulnerabilities and flaws inherent in the economic liberalism of the time. This model, predominant in the years leading up to the Great Depression, promoted a minimal role for the state in the economy, leaving the market free to evolve without significant government interference. This system of economic liberalism tended to favour landowners, industrialists and the financial sector, encouraging the accumulation of wealth and power in the hands of these elites. Mechanisms of regulation and control were weak or non-existent, allowing these groups to prosper often at the expense of the working classes. Workers, on the other hand, were in a precarious position. They faced low wages, poor working conditions and had little or no social security or legal protections. Their rights and freedoms were often neglected, and economic and social inequalities increased. The Great Depression amplified these problems. As markets collapsed, unemployment soared and businesses failed, the structural weaknesses of economic liberalism became undeniable. The state, traditionally a marginal player in the economy, suddenly found itself at the centre of the attempt to resolve the crisis. This marked a turning point in the understanding and practice of economic liberalism. Governments around the world, under pressure from economic and social realities, began to adopt more interventionist policies. The state took on a more active role in regulating the economy, protecting workers and stabilising financial markets.		1929 年的危机凸显了当时经济自由主义的脆弱性和固有缺陷。这种模式在大萧条之前的几年中占主导地位，它提倡国家在经济中扮演最低限度的角色，让市场自由发展，政府不进行重大干预。这种经济自由主义制度往往有利于土地所有者、工业家和金融部门，鼓励财富和权力在这些精英手中积累。监管和控制机制薄弱或根本不存在，使得这些群体的繁荣往往以牺牲工人阶级的利益为代价。另一方面，工人的处境岌岌可危。他们工资低、工作条件差，几乎没有社会保障或法律保护。他们的权利和自由往往被忽视，经济和社会不平等加剧。大萧条加剧了这些问题。随着市场崩溃、失业率飙升和企业倒闭，经济自由主义的结构性弱点变得不可否认。传统上在经济中处于边缘地位的国家，突然发现自己成了试图解决危机的中心。这标志着对经济自由主义的理解和实践的一个转折点。在经济和社会现实的压力下，世界各国政府开始采取更多的干预政策。国家在调节经济、保护工人和稳定金融市场方面发挥了更加积极的作用。

	~~The crisis of~~ 1929 exposed the structural weaknesses of the economic liberalism model of the time. A particularly striking feature of this model was the concentration of wealth and power in the hands of economic elites, such as hacendados, industrialists and bankers. Workers, on the other hand, often lacked sufficient protection and rights, and suffered the most serious consequences of these inequalities. Against this backdrop of uncertainty and economic insecurity, the population, faced with massive economic distress, often looked for strong leadership to restore stability and order. In several Latin American countries, charismatic figures have emerged, proposing authoritarian or populist alternatives to the liberalism that previously prevailed. In the United States, the response to the crisis was also characterised by increased state intervention. Under the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt, the New Deal marked a significant break with the previous laissez-faire liberalism. The government adopted a series of measures to stimulate economic growth, create jobs and protect the most vulnerable citizens. This involved tighter regulation of financial markets, an expansion of workers' rights and social welfare initiatives. The need to reassure and unify the population in this period of crisis revealed the importance of nationalism. Leaders have turned to nationalist ideas and symbols to bring their nations together and build a sense of solidarity and social cohesion.		1929 年的危机暴露了当时经济自由主义模式的结构性弱点。这种模式的一个显著特点是财富和权力集中在经济精英（如商人、实业家和银行家）手中。另一方面，工人往往缺乏足够的保护和权利，承受着这些不平等带来的最严重后果。在这种不确定性和经济不安全感的背景下，面临巨大经济困难的民众往往寻求强有力的领导来恢复稳定和秩序。在一些拉美国家，出现了一些有魅力的人物，他们提出了独裁或民粹主义的方案，以取代以前盛行的自由主义。在美国，应对危机的措施也以加强国家干预为特点。在富兰克林-罗斯福担任总统期间，新政标志着与以往自由放任自由主义的重大决裂。政府采取了一系列措施来刺激经济增长、创造就业机会和保护最弱势的公民。这包括加强对金融市场的监管、扩大工人权利和社会福利措施。在这一危机时期，安抚和团结民众的需要揭示了民族主义的重要性。领导人转而利用民族主义思想和符号来凝聚民族，建立团结和社会凝聚力。

	Populism is often characterised by its ambivalence. On the one hand, it can offer a voice to people who feel neglected or marginalised by political and economic elites. In this context, populist leaders can mobilise broad popular support by responding to the frustrations and concerns of the masses. They are able to maintain social peace temporarily by presenting themselves as champions of "~~ordinary people~~" against corrupt and out-of-touch elites. On the other hand, populism can also be critical. Although populist leaders often promise radical change and the righting of perceived wrongs, they can actually reinforce existing structures of power and inequality. The reforms initiated under populist regimes are often superficial and fail to address the root causes of inequality and injustice. Sometimes these reforms are more focused on consolidating power in the hands of the populist leader than on improving the living conditions of the people they claim to represent. The illusion of change and representation can be maintained by skilful rhetoric and effective communication strategies. However, beneath the surface, structures of power and inequality often remain unchanged. This can lead to subsequent disillusionment among populist supporters, when bold promises of change and justice turn out to be insufficient or unattainable.		民粹主义往往具有矛盾性。一方面，它可以为那些感到自己被政治和经济精英忽视或边缘化的人们发出声音。在这种情况下，民粹主义领导人可以通过回应群众的不满和关切来动员广泛的民众支持。他们能够以 "普通人 "的拥护者自居，反对腐败和不合群的精英，从而暂时维持社会和平。另一方面，民粹主义也可能具有批判性。虽然民粹主义领导人经常承诺进行彻底变革，纠正人们认为的错误，但他们实际上可能会强化现有的权力和不平等结构。民粹主义政权发起的改革往往流于表面，未能从根本上解决不平等和不公正问题。有时，这些改革更注重巩固民粹主义领导人手中的权力，而不是改善他们声称代表的人民的生活条件。娴熟的言辞和有效的传播策略可以维持变革和代表的假象。然而，在表面之下，权力和不平等的结构往往保持不变。当大胆的变革和正义承诺被证明不充分或无法实现时，这可能导致民粹主义支持者的幻想破灭。

	These dynamics have been observed in a number of historical and geographical contexts. Small farmers and the working class are often the most vulnerable to the devastating effects of economic crises. Their livelihoods are directly linked to an economy that, in times of crisis, becomes uncertain and precarious. In this context, the promise of populism, with its guarantees of economic recovery and fairness, can appear seductive. Socialist and Communist parties have historically sought to represent these groups. They often propose radical reforms to rebalance economic and political power, with an emphasis on protecting workers and small farmers. However, in times of crisis, these parties and movements can be marginalised or absorbed by more powerful populist forces. Populism, in its various manifestations, often presents a unified vision of the nation and proposes a quick fix to complex economic and social problems. This can lead to the suppression or co-option of smaller, more specialised groups and parties. Populist discourse tends to unite diverse groups under a national banner, setting aside specific demands and identities of class, region or profession.		在许多历史和地理背景下都可以观察到这些动态。小农和工人阶级往往最容易受到经济危机的破坏性影响。他们的生计与经济直接相关，而在危机时期，经济变得不确定、不稳定。在这种情况下，民粹主义保证经济复苏和公平的承诺就显得极具诱惑力。社会党和共产党历来试图代表这些群体。它们往往提出激进的改革，以重新平衡经济和政治权力，并强调保护工人和小农。然而，在危机时期，这些政党和运动可能会被边缘化，或被更强大的民粹主义势力所吸收。民粹主义的表现形式多种多样，通常会提出统一的国家愿景，并提出快速解决复杂经济和社会问题的方案。这可能会导致规模较小、更加专业化的团体和政党受到压制或被收编。民粹主义言论倾向于将不同的群体团结在国家的旗帜下，将阶级、地区或职业的具体要求和身份搁置一边。

	~~The shortcomings and flaws of economic liberalism were exposed, and with them the profound inequalities that characterised these societies.~~		经济自由主义的缺点和弊端暴露无遗，随之而来的是作为这些社会特征的深刻不平等。

	The crisis shook confidence in the existing economic system and highlighted the need for structural reform. Leaders who could articulate a convincing vision of a unified and prosperous nation gained ground. In many cases, they adopted nationalist ideologies, promising to restore dignity, power and prosperity to the nations they led. These ideologies sometimes led to an increase in authoritarianism. Populist leaders, armed with the urgency of the crisis, often consolidated power in their own hands, marginalising competing political forces and establishing regimes which, while popular, were often marked by the restriction of civil liberties and the concentration of power. However, it is also important to recognise that in some contexts, this period of crisis led to substantial and necessary reforms. In the United States, for example, the Roosevelt administration introduced the New Deal, a set of programmes and policies that not only helped to stabilise the economy, but also laid the foundations for a more robust social safety net.		危机动摇了人们对现有经济体系的信心，凸显了结构改革的必要性。那些能够提出令人信服的统一和繁荣国家愿景的领导人赢得了支持。在许多情况下，他们采用民族主义意识形态，承诺恢复他们所领导的国家的尊严、权力和繁荣。这些意识形态有时会导致专制主义抬头。民粹主义领导人在危机的紧迫感的武装下，往往会巩固自己手中的权力，排挤相互竞争的政治力量，建立虽然受欢迎但往往以限制公民自由和权力集中为特点的政权。然而，同样重要的是要认识到，在某些情况下，危机时期促成了实质性的必要改革。例如，在美国，罗斯福政府推行了 "新政"，这套计划和政策不仅有助于稳定经济，还为建立更强大的社会安全网奠定了基础。

	The social unrest that followed the Great Depression created an urgent need for stability and reform. In response, governments oscillated between authoritarianism and populism to maintain control and ensure social peace. Populism, in particular, appeared to be a mechanism for appeasing the masses and avoiding revolution, a strategy illustrated by political developments in Cuba in 1933. The populist movement, however, was not content with rhetoric; it required a certain substantiality in the implementation of policies in order to be effective. This often involved the introduction of social legislation to protect the rights of workers and the poor, a necessary step to alleviate the pervasive social unrest of the time. However, although these measures succeeded in temporarily easing social tensions, they did not eliminate the underlying problems of inequality and injustice. The seeds of discontent remained, latent but alive, and re-emerged with a vengeance after the Second World War. A new era of political and social mobilisation was about to begin. Small peasants in rural areas and socialist and communist parties and unions in urban areas were particularly hard hit by the continuing repercussions of the Great Depression. While the state had managed to suppress or integrate some of these groups into larger, national political structures, the social protection offered was often inadequate. The basic problems of economic inequality, social justice and human rights remained unresolved.		大萧条之后的社会动荡造成了对稳定和改革的迫切需求。为此，各国政府在专制主义和民粹主义之间摇摆不定，以维持控制和确保社会安宁。尤其是民粹主义，它似乎是一种安抚群众和避免革命的机制，1933 年古巴的政治发展就说明了这一策略。然而，民粹主义运动并不满足于夸夸其谈，它要求在执行政策时具有一定的实质性，这样才能有效。这通常涉及引入社会立法以保护工人和穷人的权利，这是缓解当时普遍存在的社会动荡的必要步骤。然而，尽管这些措施成功地暂时缓解了社会紧张局势，但并没有消除不平等和不公正的根本问题。不满情绪的种子依然潜伏着，并在第二次世界大战后再次爆发。一个政治和社会动员的新时代即将开始。农村地区的小农、城市地区的社会主义和共产主义政党及工会受到大萧条持续影响的冲击尤为严重。虽然国家设法压制了其中一些群体，或将其纳入更大的国家政治结构，但提供的社会保护往往不足。经济不平等、社会公正和人权等基本问题仍未得到解决。

	= Annexes =		= Annexes =

Arthur : /* 巴西：军事政变和法西斯政权 */

2023-11-10T09:53:27Z

巴西：军事政变和法西斯政权

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Arthur : /* 古巴的情况：革命和军事政变 */

2023-11-10T09:51:52Z

古巴的情况：革命和军事政变

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Arthur : /* 经济因素 */

2023-11-10T09:50:47Z

经济因素

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Arthur : /* 拉丁美洲民粹主义 */

2023-11-10T09:49:42Z

拉丁美洲民粹主义

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Arthur le 10 novembre 2023 à 09:48

2023-11-10T09:48:06Z

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Arthur : Page créée avec « ''根据 Aline Helg 的演讲改编''[https://www.unige.ch/lettres/istge/unites/hco/anciens-collaborateurs/helg/ Aline Helg] - [https://www.unige.ch/ UNIGE][https://unige.academia.edu/AlineHelg Aline Helg] - [https://www.academia.edu/ Academia.edu][https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aline_Helg Aline Helg] - Wikipedia[http://www.afrocubaweb.com/helg.htm Aline Helg] - [http://www.afrocubaweb.com/ Afrocubaweb.com][https://... »

2023-11-10T09:46:55Z

Page créée avec « ''根据 Aline Helg 的演讲改编''<ref>[https://www.unige.ch/lettres/istge/unites/hco/anciens-collaborateurs/helg/ Aline Helg] - [https://www.unige.ch/ UNIGE]</ref><ref>[https://unige.academia.edu/AlineHelg Aline Helg] - [https://www.academia.edu/ Academia.edu]</ref><ref>[https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aline_Helg Aline Helg] - Wikipedia</ref><ref>[http://www.afrocubaweb.com/helg.htm Aline Helg] - [http://www.afrocubaweb.com/ Afrocubaweb.com]</ref><ref>[https://... »

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政变与拉丁美洲的民粹主义 - Historique des versions

Arthur : /* Understanding Coups d'Etat and Populism in Latin America */

Arthur : /* 巴西：军事政变和法西斯政权 */

Arthur : /* 古巴的情况： 革命和军事政变 */

Arthur : /* 经济因素 */

Arthur : /* 拉丁美洲民粹主义 */

Arthur le 10 novembre 2023 à 09:48

Arthur : /* Understanding Coups d'Etat and Populism in Latin America */

Arthur : /* 巴西：军事政变和法西斯政权 */

Arthur : /* 古巴的情况：革命和军事政变 */

Arthur : /* 经济因素 */

Arthur : /* 拉丁美洲民粹主义 */