Machiavelli and the Italian Renaissance - Historique des versions

Arthur le 9 novembre 2020 à 13:15

2020-11-09T13:15:21Z

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	{{Translations		{{Translations
	\| fr = Machiavel et la Renaissance italienne		\| fr = Machiavel et la Renaissance italienne
	\| es =		\| es = Maquiavelo y el Renacimiento italiano
	}}		}}

Arthur : /* DDiscourse on the First Decade of Titus Lutetius, Book One, Foreword */

2020-10-16T08:32:05Z

DDiscourse on the First Decade of Titus Lutetius, Book One, Foreword

← Version précédente		Version du 16 octobre 2020 à 10:32
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	Attention must be paid to the people who corrupt themselves by giving priority to the particular interest over the general interest.		Attention must be paid to the people who corrupt themselves by giving priority to the particular interest over the general interest.

	== ~~DDiscourse~~ on the First Decade of Titus Lutetius, Book One, Foreword ==		== Discourse on the First Decade of Titus Lutetius, Book One, Foreword ==

	{{citation bloc\|Perhaps I will deserve to be counted among those who are mistaken, if in these Discourses I dwell on the praises of the ancient Romans, and if I exercise my censorship on the century in which we live. Certainly, if the virtue that reigned in those times, and the vice that defiles everything in our days, were not more evident than the brightness of the sun, I would speak with more restraint, in fear of sharing the error of which I accuse others; but the thing is so obvious, that it strikes all eyes. I will therefore dare to expose without diversion what I think of these times and of ours, so that the minds of the young men who will read my writings may flee the example of some and imitate others whenever fortune presents them with the opportunity. It is the duty of an honest man to point out to others the good that the rigours of time and fortune do not allow him to do himself, in the hope that among all those who are able to understand it, there will be one who, beloved of heaven, will be able to do it.		{{citation bloc\|Perhaps I will deserve to be counted among those who are mistaken, if in these Discourses I dwell on the praises of the ancient Romans, and if I exercise my censorship on the century in which we live. Certainly, if the virtue that reigned in those times, and the vice that defiles everything in our days, were not more evident than the brightness of the sun, I would speak with more restraint, in fear of sharing the error of which I accuse others; but the thing is so obvious, that it strikes all eyes. I will therefore dare to expose without diversion what I think of these times and of ours, so that the minds of the young men who will read my writings may flee the example of some and imitate others whenever fortune presents them with the opportunity. It is the duty of an honest man to point out to others the good that the rigours of time and fortune do not allow him to do himself, in the hope that among all those who are able to understand it, there will be one who, beloved of heaven, will be able to do it.

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Lie, Livre premier, Avant-Propos */

2020-10-16T08:28:21Z

Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Lie, Livre premier, Avant-Propos

← Version précédente		Version du 16 octobre 2020 à 10:28
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	Attention must be paid to the people who corrupt themselves by giving priority to the particular interest over the general interest.		Attention must be paid to the people who corrupt themselves by giving priority to the particular interest over the general interest.

	== ~~Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Lie~~, ~~Livre premier~~, ~~Avant-Propos~~ ==		== DDiscourse on the First Decade of Titus Lutetius, Book One, Foreword ==

	{{citation bloc\|~~Peut-être mériterai-je que l’on me compte parmi ceux qui se trompent~~, ~~si dans ces Discours je m’étends sur les louanges des anciens Romains~~, ~~et si j’exerce ma censure sur le siècle où nous vivons~~. ~~Certes~~, ~~si la vertu qui régnait en ces temps~~, ~~et si le~~ vice ~~qui souille tout de nos jours~~, ~~n’était pas plus manifeste que la clarté du soleil~~, ~~je parlerais avec plus de retenue~~, ~~dans la crainte de partager l’erreur dont j’accuse les autres~~ ; ~~mais la chose est tellement évidente~~, ~~qu’elle frappe tous les yeux~~. ~~J’oserai donc exposer sans détour ce que je pense de ces temps et des nôtres~~, ~~afin que l’esprit des jeunes gens qui liront mes écrits puisse fuir l’exemple des uns et imiter les autres toutes les fois que la~~ fortune ~~leur en présentera l’occasion~~. ~~C’est le devoir d’un honnête homme d’indiquer aux autres le bien que la rigueur du temps et de la~~ fortune ~~ne lui permet pas de faire lui-même~~, ~~dans l’espoir que~~, ~~parmi tous ceux qui sont capables de le comprendre~~, ~~il s’en trouvera un qui~~, ~~chéri du ciel, pourra parvenir à l’opérer~~.		{{citation bloc\|Perhaps I will deserve to be counted among those who are mistaken, if in these Discourses I dwell on the praises of the ancient Romans, and if I exercise my censorship on the century in which we live. Certainly, if the virtue that reigned in those times, and the vice that defiles everything in our days, were not more evident than the brightness of the sun, I would speak with more restraint, in fear of sharing the error of which I accuse others; but the thing is so obvious, that it strikes all eyes. I will therefore dare to expose without diversion what I think of these times and of ours, so that the minds of the young men who will read my writings may flee the example of some and imitate others whenever fortune presents them with the opportunity. It is the duty of an honest man to point out to others the good that the rigours of time and fortune do not allow him to do himself, in the hope that among all those who are able to understand it, there will be one who, beloved of heaven, will be able to do it.

	~~J’ai traité dans le livre précédent des mesures prises par les Romains relativement au gouvernement intérieur de la république~~ ; ~~je parlerai dans celui-ci de la conduite que tint ce peuple pour accroître son~~ empire.}}		In the previous book I have dealt with the measures taken by the Romans in relation to the internal government of the republic; in this book I shall speak of the conduct of this people in order to increase their empire.}}

	~~Machiavel~~, ~~très clairement~~, ~~montre que son objectif est de nous proposer une leçon~~, ~~un régime politique fondé sur les leçons du passé~~. ~~Il y a~~, ~~au fond~~, ~~chez lui~~, ~~une idée essentielle~~, ~~centrale qui est que tout régime politique qui n’est pas fondé sur l’histoire sur la connaissance et la maitrise du passé est condamné à périr~~. Ce passage ~~contient les mots de~~ vice, ~~vertu et~~ fortune, ~~cette première idée est importante~~, ~~l’histoire est le moteur de nos~~ actions ~~et doit le rester~~.		Machiavelli, very clearly, shows that his objective is to offer us a lesson, a political regime based on the lessons of the past. There is, deep down, an essential, central idea in him, which is that any political regime that is not based on history based on knowledge and mastery of the past is condemned to perish. This passage contains the words vice, virtue and fortune, this first idea is important, history is the driving force behind our actions and must remain so.

	~~La deuxième morale politique est l’idée qu’au fond~~, ~~pour Machiavel~~, la nature ~~humaine est une nature par essence corrompue~~. ~~Pour Machiavel~~, ~~il règne un scepticisme sur la capacité de la~~ nature ~~humaine à véritablement séduire cette~~ fortune, ~~en d’autres termes~~, ~~Machiavel nous montre une~~ vision ~~assez pessimiste du monde~~, ~~il nous donne un certain nombre de leçons~~, ~~mais il conclut qu’il n’est pas~~ certain ~~qu’on puisse y arriver~~, ~~car les~~ vices ~~de la société contemporaine dans laquelle il écrit sont trop importants~~.		The second political morality is the idea that, at heart, for Machiavelli, human nature is inherently corrupt. For Machiavelli, there is scepticism about the capacity of human nature to truly seduce this fortune, in other words, Machiavelli shows us a rather pessimistic vision of the world, he gives us a number of lessons, but he concludes that it is not certain that we can do it, because the vices of the contemporary society in which he writes are too important.

	~~Son~~ message ~~est de prendre les leçons du passé~~, ~~imiter les régimes politiques du passé~~, ~~mais il ne faut pas se faire d’illusions sur la~~ nature ~~humaine~~. ~~Il y~~ a ~~une forme de vision pessimiste du monde un peu désespérante chez Machiavel~~. ~~Il faut se battre pour la République~~, ~~s’engager pour la République~~, ~~mais rester lucide sur la capacité à la réformer et à la conserver parce que la~~ nature ~~humaine étant ainsi faite~~, ~~la république finira par sombrer~~.		His message is to take the lessons of the past, to imitate the political regimes of the past, but we should not have any illusions about human nature. There is a kind of pessimistic worldview that is a little despairing in Machiavelli. We must fight for the Republic, commit ourselves to the Republic, but remain lucid about the capacity to reform it and preserve it because human nature being made that way, the republic will end up sinking.

	~~Pour~~ [[Montesquieu ~~et la définition de l’État libre~~\|Montesquieu]], {{citation\|~~tout régime périra~~, Rome ~~a bien péri~~}}. ~~Machiavel aurait pu dire exactement la même chose deux siècles et demi plus tôt~~. ~~Cette vision presque désespérante du monde ou plutôt de l’État et de la~~ nature ~~humaine permet d’introduire le deuxième pilier des fondements de l’État moderne~~.		For [[Montesquieu and the definition of the Free State\|Montesquieu]], {{citation\|all regimes will perish, Rome has perished}}. Machiavelli could have said exactly the same thing two and a half centuries earlier. This almost desperate view of the world, or rather of the state and human nature, introduces the second pillar of the foundations of the modern state.

	~~Si Machiavel~~, ~~même dans une~~ vision ~~un peu désespérante du pouvoir~~, ~~offre un certain nombre d’arguments~~ - constitution ~~mixte~~, ~~vertu du citoyen~~, engagement ~~civique~~ -~~, le deuxième socle qui se met en~~ place ~~au moment même où Machiavel publie ''Le~~ Prince~~'' et les discours est la~~ [[~~L’ère de la Réforme~~\|~~pensée de la Reforme~~]] ~~qui est aussi un peu pessimiste~~.		If Machiavelli, even in a somewhat despairing vision of power, offers a number of arguments - mixed constitution, virtue of the citizen, civic engagement - the second pillar that is being put in place at the same time as Machiavelli publishes "The Prince" and the speeches is the thought of the [[The era of the Reformation\|Reformation]], which is also a little pessimistic.

	= Annexes =		= Annexes =

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre XVII, Devenu libre, un peuple corrompu peut très difficilement conserver sa liberté */

2020-10-16T08:25:04Z

Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre XVII, Devenu libre, un peuple corrompu peut très difficilement conserver sa liberté

← Version précédente		Version du 16 octobre 2020 à 10:25
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	The word corruption comes up all the time, it is the corruption of citizenship, the idea that a republic is lost if we lose the soul of the republic, it is not because we have a free constitution that we should not ensure that it is applied.		The word corruption comes up all the time, it is the corruption of citizenship, the idea that a republic is lost if we lose the soul of the republic, it is not because we have a free constitution that we should not ensure that it is applied.

	== ~~Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live~~, ~~Chapitre~~ XVII, ~~Devenu libre~~, ~~un peuple corrompu peut très difficilement conserver sa liberté~~ ==		== Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius, Chapter XVII, Having become free, a corrupt people can hardly keep its freedom ==

	~~Il faut faire attention au peuple qui se corrompt en privilégiant l’intérêt particulier sur l’intérêt général~~.		Attention must be paid to the people who corrupt themselves by giving priority to the particular interest over the general interest.

	== Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Lie, Livre premier, Avant-Propos ==		== Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Lie, Livre premier, Avant-Propos ==

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre XVI, Un peuple accoutumé à vivre sous l’autorité d’un prince conserve difficilement sa liberté, si par hasard il devient libre */

2020-10-16T08:23:15Z

Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre XVI, Un peuple accoutumé à vivre sous l’autorité d’un prince conserve difficilement sa liberté, si par hasard il devient libre

← Version précédente		Version du 16 octobre 2020 à 10:23
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	Political unrest, dissension and quarrels are a guarantee of political freedom, but freedom requires a number of concessions. Dissension does not mean citizenship education.		Political unrest, dissension and quarrels are a guarantee of political freedom, but freedom requires a number of concessions. Dissension does not mean citizenship education.

	== ~~Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live~~, ~~Chapitre~~ XVI, ~~Un peuple accoutumé à vivre sous l’autorité d’un~~ prince ~~conserve difficilement sa liberté~~, ~~si par hasard il devient libre~~ ==		== Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius, Chapter XVI, A people accustomed to living under the authority of a prince hardly retains its freedom, if by chance it becomes free ==

	~~Le mot~~ corruption ~~revient toute temps~~, ~~c‘est la~~ corruption ~~de la citoyenneté~~, ~~l’idée qu’une république se perd si nous perdons l’âme de la république~~, ~~ce n’est pas parce qu’on~~ a ~~une~~ constitution ~~libre qu’il ne faut pas veiller a qu’elle soit appliquée~~.		The word corruption comes up all the time, it is the corruption of citizenship, the idea that a republic is lost if we lose the soul of the republic, it is not because we have a free constitution that we should not ensure that it is applied.

	== Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre XVII, Devenu libre, un peuple corrompu peut très difficilement conserver sa liberté ==		== Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre XVII, Devenu libre, un peuple corrompu peut très difficilement conserver sa liberté ==

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre IV, Comment la désunion entre la plèbe et le sénat rendit libre et puissant la République romaine */

2020-10-15T06:17:04Z

Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre IV, Comment la désunion entre la plèbe et le sénat rendit libre et puissant la République romaine

← Version précédente		Version du 15 octobre 2020 à 08:17
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	According to Rousseau "democracy is a regime for the gods and is impossible to put in place", he thought that being based on the drawing of lots it is therefore difficult to put in place.		According to Rousseau "democracy is a regime for the gods and is impossible to put in place", he thought that being based on the drawing of lots it is therefore difficult to put in place.

	== ~~Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live~~, ~~Chapitre~~ IV, ~~Comment la désunion entre la plèbe et le sénat rendit libre et puissant la République romaine~~ ==		== Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius, Chapter IV, How the disunity between the plebiscite and the senate made the Roman Republic free and powerful ==

	~~Machiavel observe que~~ Rome ~~a réussi à se maintenir parce qu’il existait des « partis politiques » même si cela est un anachronisme~~.		Machiavelli observes that Rome managed to maintain itself because there were "political parties", even if this is an anachronism.

	{{citation bloc\|~~Je ne nierai point que la~~ fortune ~~et la~~ discipline ~~n'aient contribué à la puissance des Romains~~ ; ~~mais on aurait dû faire attention qu'une~~ discipline ~~excellente n'est que la conséquence nécessaire des bonnes lois~~, ~~et que partout où elle règne~~, la fortune, ~~à son tour~~, ~~ne tarde pas à faire briller ses faveurs~~.		{{citation bloc\|I will not deny that fortune and discipline did not contribute to the power of the Romans; but one should have been careful that excellent discipline is only the necessary consequence of good laws, and that wherever it reigns, fortune, in its turn, does not delay in making its favours shine.

	~~Mais venons-en aux autres particularités de cette cité~~. ~~Je dis que ceux qui blâment les~~ dissensions ~~continuelles des grands et du peuple~~ me ~~paraissent désapprouver les~~ causes ~~mêmes qui conservèrent la liberté de~~ Rome, ~~et qu'ils prêtent plus d'~~attention ~~aux cris et aux rumeurs que ces~~ dissensions ~~faisaient naître, qu'aux effets salutaires qu'elles produisaient~~.}}		But let us come to the other particularities of this city. I say that those who blame the continual dissensions of the great and the people seem to me to disapprove of the very causes that kept Rome free, and that they pay more attention to the cries and rumours that these dissensions gave rise to than to the salutary effects they produced.}}

	~~Les troubles~~, ~~les dissensions~~, ~~les querelles politiques sont garantes de la liberté politique, mais la liberté nécessite un certain nombre de~~ concessions. Dissension ~~ne veut pas dire qu’il ne faut éduquer à la citoyenneté~~.		Political unrest, dissension and quarrels are a guarantee of political freedom, but freedom requires a number of concessions. Dissension does not mean citizenship education.

	== Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre XVI, Un peuple accoutumé à vivre sous l’autorité d’un prince conserve difficilement sa liberté, si par hasard il devient libre ==		== Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre XVI, Un peuple accoutumé à vivre sous l’autorité d’un prince conserve difficilement sa liberté, si par hasard il devient libre ==

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre II, De combien d’espèces sont les États et quelle fut celle de la République romaine */

2020-10-15T06:15:38Z

Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre II, De combien d’espèces sont les États et quelle fut celle de la République romaine

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	Machiavelli's first argument is that history teaches us lessons, history is a guide that we must follow.		Machiavelli's first argument is that history teaches us lessons, history is a guide that we must follow.

	== ~~Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live~~, ~~Chapitre~~ II, ~~De combien d’espèces sont les États et quelle fut celle de la République romaine~~ ==		== Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius, Chapter II, Of how many species are the States and what was that of the Roman Republic? ==

	{{citation bloc\|~~Voulant faire connaître quelles furent les formes du gouvernement de~~ Rome, ~~et par quel concours de circonstances elles atteignirent à la~~ perfection, ~~je dirai comme ceux qui ont écrit sur l'~~organisation ~~des États~~, ~~qu'il existe trois espèces de gouvernements~~, ~~appelés monarchique~~, ~~aristocratique ou populaire~~.}}		{{citation bloc\|Wanting to make known what the forms of government in Rome were, and by what combination of circumstances they reached perfection, I will say, like those who have written on the organisation of States, that there are three kinds of government, called monarchical, aristocratic or popular.}}

	~~Ce paragraphe correspond à la~~ constitution ~~mixte~~, ~~au fond ce qu’il appelle l’État ou la République romaine c’est la~~ constitution ~~de République romaine qu’on qualifie de~~ constitution ~~mixte~~.		This paragraph corresponds to the mixed constitution, basically what it calls the State or the Roman Republic is the constitution of the Roman Republic, which is called mixed constitution.

	~~Machiavel dit que les grands philosophes~~, ~~les grands théoriciens du politique ont enseigné qu’il existe trois manières de catégoriser les régimes politiques~~ : ~~catégorie de la monarchie~~, ~~catégorie de l’aristocratie~~, ~~catégorie de la démocratie~~.		Machiavelli says that the great philosophers, the great theorists of politics have taught that there are three ways of categorising political regimes: category of monarchy, category of aristocracy, category of democracy.

	~~Lorsqu’il parle de la monarchie~~, ~~à quel régime pense-t-il~~ ? ~~Lorsqu’il parle de monarchie~~, ~~et à ce~~ moment ~~de l‘histoire existent beaucoup de~~ monarchies, ~~il pense à la~~ France, ~~lorsqu’il parle d’aristocratie~~, ~~il pense à Venise gouvernée par les douze~~ doges ~~vénitiens soit un petit noyau de familles aristocratiques~~, ~~lorsqu’il emploie le terme démocratie~~, ~~il pense à Athènes~~. ~~Quelque part, Machiavel dit que l’idéal politique~~, la constitution ~~idéale est un mélange de monarchie française~~, ~~d’aristocratie vénitienne et de démocratie athénienne~~.		When he talks about monarchy, which regime is he thinking of? When he speaks of monarchy, and at that moment in history there are many monarchies, he thinks of France, when he speaks of aristocracy, he thinks of Venice governed by the twelve Venetian doges, a small nucleus of aristocratic families, when he uses the term democracy, he thinks of Athens. Somewhere Machiavelli says that the political ideal, the ideal constitution is a mixture of French monarchy, Venetian aristocracy and Athenian democracy.

	~~Ce mélange hybride est la fameuse~~ constitution ~~mixte~~.		This hybrid mixture is the famous mixed constitution.

	{{citation bloc\|~~Je dis donc que, toutes ces formes de gouvernements offrent des inconvénients égaux~~ : ~~les trois premières~~, ~~parce qu'elles n'ont pas d'éléments de durée~~; ~~les trois autres~~, ~~par le principe de~~ corruption ~~qu'elles renferment~~. ~~Aussi tous les législateurs renommés par leur sagesse~~, ~~ayant reconnu le~~ vice ~~inhérent à chacun~~, ~~ont évité d'employer uniquement un de ces modes de gouvernement~~; ~~ils en ont choisi un qui participait de tous~~, ~~le jugeant plus solide et plus~~ stable, ~~parce que le~~ prince, ~~les grands et le peuple~~, ~~gouvernant ensemble l'État~~, ~~pouvaient plus facilement se surveiller entre eux~~.}}		{{citation bloc\|So I say that all these forms of government have equal disadvantages: the first three, because they have no elements of duration; the other three, because of the principle of corruption they contain. Therefore, all legislators renowned for their wisdom, having recognized the inherent vice of each, have avoided using only one of these forms of government; they have chosen one that participates in all of them, judging it to be more solid and stable, because the prince, the great and the people, governing the state together, could more easily supervise each other.}}

	~~Il y a ici l’idée essentielle que le XVIIIème siècle théorisera~~, ~~l’idée que tout pouvoir corrompt est que « le pouvoir doit arrêter le pouvoir » comme le dit~~ Montesquieu. ~~C’est l’émergence du principe de la séparation des pouvoirs et plus précisément la~~ balance ~~des pouvoirs~~.		There is here the essential idea that the 18th century theorised, the idea that all power corrupts is that "power must stop power" as Montesquieu said. This is the emergence of the principle of the separation of powers and more precisely the balance of power.
	~~À Athènes~~, ~~le fait que les~~ non-~~citoyens de peuvent pas voter ferait que ce serait une aristocratie et non une démocratie~~ ; ~~la première~~ confusion ~~est qu’il ne faut pas regarder Athènes avec nos yeux contemporains~~, ~~Athènes est une démocratie dans le sens ou jusqu’à l’avènement du~~ suffrage ~~universel on définit ce qu’est une démocratie~~ - ~~pour~~ Planton ~~et Aristote~~ - ~~non pas par le principe de l’élection~~, ~~l’élection est l’élément qui caractérise l’aristocratie~~, ~~mais sur le tirage au sort qui est la caractéristique première de la démocratie~~, ~~les athéniens tiraient au sort ceux qui allaient gouverner la cité pour un~~ certain ~~temps~~.		In Athens, the fact that non-citizens cannot vote would make it an aristocracy and not a democracy ; the first confusion is that we should not look at Athens with our contemporary eyes, Athens is a democracy in the sense that until the advent of universal suffrage we define what a democracy is - for Planton and Aristotle - not by the principle of election, election is the element that characterises the aristocracy, but on the drawing of lots, which is the primary characteristic of democracy, the Athenians drew lots for those who were going to govern the city for a certain period of time.

	~~Dans l’histoire de la philosophie politique~~, ~~le tirage au sort est la caractéristique de la démocratie et des régimes démocratiques ce qui pourrait nous faire penser que nous ne vivons pas dans une démocratie~~, ~~car c’est le principe de l’élection qui supplante le tirage au sort~~.		In the history of political philosophy, the drawing of lots is the characteristic of democracy and democratic regimes, which might make us think that we do not live in a democracy, because it is the principle of election that supersedes the drawing of lots.

	~~Au XVIIème~~, ~~un débat eut lieu quant à savoir s’il fallait utiliser le tirage au sort~~, ~~certains pensaient que l’intelligence et les capacités devaient arriver au pouvoir~~. ~~Il faut savoir que le principe de l’élection est un principe éminemment attaché au régime aristocratique~~, ~~la démocratie est fondée sur le tirage au sort~~, ~~de pures démocraties au sens athénien du terme il n’en existe plus~~.		In the XVIIth century, there was a debate about whether to use the lottery, some people thought that intelligence and ability should come to power. It should be noted that the principle of election is a principle eminently attached to the aristocratic regime, democracy is based on the drawing of lots, pure democracies in the Athenian sense of the term no longer exist.

	~~Selon~~ Rousseau ~~« la démocratie est un régime pour les dieux et est~~ impossible ~~à mettre en~~ place », ~~il pensait cela qu’étant fondé sur un tirage au sort cela est donc difficile à mettre en~~ place.		According to Rousseau "democracy is a regime for the gods and is impossible to put in place", he thought that being based on the drawing of lots it is therefore difficult to put in place.

	== Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre IV, Comment la désunion entre la plèbe et le sénat rendit libre et puissant la République romaine ==		== Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre IV, Comment la désunion entre la plèbe et le sénat rendit libre et puissant la République romaine ==

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live */

2020-10-10T07:31:06Z

Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live

← Version précédente		Version du 10 octobre 2020 à 09:31
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	Only then can the republic not become corrupt and last.		Only then can the republic not become corrupt and last.

	= ~~Discours sur la première décade de~~ Tite-Live =		= Discourses on the First Decade of Tite-Live =

	== ~~Discours sur la première décade de~~ Tite-Live, ~~Livre premier~~, ~~Avant-Propos~~ ==		== Discourses on the First Decade of Tite-Live, Book One, Foreword ==

	{{citation bloc\|~~j'ai formé le dessein de m'élancer dans une route qui n'~~a ~~pas encore été frayée~~; ~~et s'il est vrai que je doive y rencontrer bien des ennuis et des difficultés~~, ~~j'espère y trouver aussi nia récompense dans l'approbation de ceux qui jetteront sur mon entreprise un regard favorable~~.}}		{{citation bloc\|I have made up my mind to set out on a road that has not yet been cleared; and if it is true that I must encounter many troubles and difficulties, I hope to find reward in the approval of those who will look favourably on my company.}}

	~~Quelque part, il y~~ a ~~un sentiment de fatalité chez Machiavel~~, ~~il est conscient qu’il va défendre la République alors que la république de~~ Florence ~~est morte~~, ~~toutes les théories de la république ne sont pas prises en considération~~.		Somewhere there is a sense of fatality in Machiavelli, he is aware that he is going to defend the Republic while the Republic of Florence is dead, not all the theories of the Republic are taken into consideration.

	{{citation bloc\|~~La médecine elle-même n~~'~~est-elle pas l'expérience faite par les médecins des anciens temps~~, ~~et d'après laquelle les médecins de nos jours établissent leurs jugements~~? ~~Toutefois~~, ~~lorsqu'il s'est agi d'asseoir l'ordre dans une république~~, ~~de maintenir les États~~, ~~de gouverner les royaumes~~, ~~de régler les armées~~, ~~d'administrer la guerre~~, ~~de rendre la~~ justice ~~aux sujets~~, ~~on n'~~a ~~encore vu ni~~ prince, ~~ni république~~, ~~ni capitaine~~, ~~ni citoyens s'appuyer de l'exemple de l'antiquité~~. ~~Je crois en trouver la~~ cause ~~moins encore dans cette faiblesse où les~~ vices ~~de notre éducation actuelle ont plongé le monde~~, ~~et dans ces maux qu'a faits à tant d'États et de villes chrétiennes une paresse orgueilleuse~~, ~~que dans l'~~ignorance ~~du véritable esprit de l'histoire~~, ~~qui nous empêche en la lisant d'en saisir le sens réel et de nourrir notre esprit de la~~ substance ~~qu'elle renferme~~. ~~Il en résulte que ceux qui lisent se bornent au plaisir de voir passer sous leurs yeux cette foule d'événements qu'elle dépeint~~, ~~sans jamais songer à les imiter~~, ~~jugeant cette~~ imitation ~~non seulement difficile~~, ~~mais même~~ impossible.}}		{{citation bloc\|Isn't medicine itself the experience of doctors in ancient times, on the basis of which doctors nowadays make their judgements? However, when it has been a question of establishing order in a republic, maintaining states, governing kingdoms, regulating armies, administering war, rendering justice to subjects, we have not yet seen a prince, a republic, a captain, or citizens rely on the example of antiquity. I believe that the cause of this is to be found even less in the weakness with which the vices of our present education have plunged the world, and in the evils that prideful laziness has done to so many Christian states and cities, than in the ignorance of the true spirit of history, which prevents us, when we read it, from grasping its real meaning and from nourishing our minds with the substance it contains. The result is that those who read it are limited to the pleasure of seeing the many events it depicts pass before their eyes, without ever thinking of imitating them, judging such imitation not only difficult, but even impossible.}}

	~~Le premier~~ argument ~~de Machiavel est que l’histoire nous donne des leçons~~, ~~l’histoire est un~~ guide ~~qu’il faut suivre~~.		Machiavelli's first argument is that history teaches us lessons, history is a guide that we must follow.

	== Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre II, De combien d’espèces sont les États et quelle fut celle de la République romaine ==		== Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre II, De combien d’espèces sont les États et quelle fut celle de la République romaine ==

Arthur : /* The government according to Machiavelli */

2020-10-09T20:40:31Z

The government according to Machiavelli

← Version précédente		Version du 9 octobre 2020 à 22:40
Ligne 334 :		Ligne 334 :
	There is a debate that has been irrigating contemporary political philosophy for a long time on the relationship between law and freedom, with many so-called liberal authors tending to say that the more laws there are, the less freedom there is, the very expression of laws is the state. It is a discourse that is basically taken up and declined in different forms, there are cleavages between liberals [[The communitarian perspective\|communitarian perspective]] and other philosophies that try to move the cursor.		There is a debate that has been irrigating contemporary political philosophy for a long time on the relationship between law and freedom, with many so-called liberal authors tending to say that the more laws there are, the less freedom there is, the very expression of laws is the state. It is a discourse that is basically taken up and declined in different forms, there are cleavages between liberals [[The communitarian perspective\|communitarian perspective]] and other philosophies that try to move the cursor.

	Machiavelli had an inverting idea that is resurfacing today, laws are not a guarantee of servitude, in other words one can be free thanks to laws. The idea that too many laws kill freedom for Machiavelli is nonsense; one is not free against the law, but one is not free because there are few or no laws as Hobbes postulates, one is in fact free because there are laws. This way of thinking is very important in contemporary philosophy because there are a number of debates on this subject.		Machiavelli had an inverting idea that is resurfacing today, laws are not a guarantee of servitude, in other words one can be free thanks to laws. The idea that too many laws kill freedom for Machiavelli is nonsense; one is not free against the law, but one is not free because there are few or no laws as [[The birth of the modern concept of the state\|Hobbes]] postulates, one is in fact free because there are laws. This way of thinking is very important in contemporary philosophy because there are a number of debates on this subject.

	Machiavelli postulates that one is free as a citizen because of the law, it may encroach on individual freedoms, but it guarantees them. The notion of equality before the law for Machiavelli is at the very heart of the existence of a republic, there is only one republic in which citizens are equal before the law even if it impinges on personal and individual freedoms.		Machiavelli postulates that one is free as a citizen because of the law, it may encroach on individual freedoms, but it guarantees them. The notion of equality before the law for Machiavelli is at the very heart of the existence of a republic, there is only one republic in which citizens are equal before the law even if it impinges on personal and individual freedoms.

Arthur : /* The government according to Machiavelli */

2020-10-09T20:39:48Z

The government according to Machiavelli

← Version précédente		Version du 9 octobre 2020 à 22:39
Ligne 332 :		Ligne 332 :
	According to Machiavelli's reasoning, the law is the guarantor of the political freedom of citizens. A free republic is a republic if and only if the law voted and decided by the citizens is put in place.		According to Machiavelli's reasoning, the law is the guarantor of the political freedom of citizens. A free republic is a republic if and only if the law voted and decided by the citizens is put in place.

	There is a debate that has been irrigating contemporary political philosophy for a long time on the relationship between law and freedom, with many so-called liberal authors tending to say that the more laws there are, the less freedom there is, the very expression of laws is the state. It is a discourse that is basically taken up and declined in different forms, there are cleavages between liberals [[The communitarian/communitarian perspective]] and other philosophies that try to move the cursor.		There is a debate that has been irrigating contemporary political philosophy for a long time on the relationship between law and freedom, with many so-called liberal authors tending to say that the more laws there are, the less freedom there is, the very expression of laws is the state. It is a discourse that is basically taken up and declined in different forms, there are cleavages between liberals [[The communitarian perspective\|communitarian perspective]] and other philosophies that try to move the cursor.

	Machiavelli had an inverting idea that is resurfacing today, laws are not a guarantee of servitude, in other words one can be free thanks to laws. The idea that too many laws kill freedom for Machiavelli is nonsense; one is not free against the law, but one is not free because there are few or no laws as ~~[[The birth of the modern concept of the~~ Hobbes ~~State]]~~ postulates, one is in fact free because there are laws. This way of thinking is very important in contemporary philosophy because there are a number of debates on this subject.		Machiavelli had an inverting idea that is resurfacing today, laws are not a guarantee of servitude, in other words one can be free thanks to laws. The idea that too many laws kill freedom for Machiavelli is nonsense; one is not free against the law, but one is not free because there are few or no laws as Hobbes postulates, one is in fact free because there are laws. This way of thinking is very important in contemporary philosophy because there are a number of debates on this subject.

	Machiavelli postulates that one is free as a citizen because of the law, it may encroach on individual freedoms, but it guarantees them. The notion of equality before the law for Machiavelli is at the very heart of the existence of a republic, there is only one republic in which citizens are equal before the law even if it impinges on personal and individual freedoms.		Machiavelli postulates that one is free as a citizen because of the law, it may encroach on individual freedoms, but it guarantees them. The notion of equality before the law for Machiavelli is at the very heart of the existence of a republic, there is only one republic in which citizens are equal before the law even if it impinges on personal and individual freedoms.

Machiavelli and the Italian Renaissance - Historique des versions

Arthur le 9 novembre 2020 à 13:15

Arthur : /* DDiscourse on the First Decade of Titus Lutetius, Book One, Foreword */

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Lie, Livre premier, Avant-Propos */

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre XVII, Devenu libre, un peuple corrompu peut très difficilement conserver sa liberté */

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre XVI, Un peuple accoutumé à vivre sous l’autorité d’un prince conserve difficilement sa liberté, si par hasard il devient libre */

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre IV, Comment la désunion entre la plèbe et le sénat rendit libre et puissant la République romaine */

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre II, De combien d’espèces sont les États et quelle fut celle de la République romaine */

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live */

Arthur : /* The government according to Machiavelli */

Arthur : /* The government according to Machiavelli */

Arthur : /* DDiscourse on the First Decade of Titus Lutetius, Book One, Foreword */

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Lie, Livre premier, Avant-Propos */

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre XVII, Devenu libre, un peuple corrompu peut très difficilement conserver sa liberté */

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre XVI, Un peuple accoutumé à vivre sous l’autorité d’un prince conserve difficilement sa liberté, si par hasard il devient libre */

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre IV, Comment la désunion entre la plèbe et le sénat rendit libre et puissant la République romaine */

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live, Chapitre II, De combien d’espèces sont les États et quelle fut celle de la République romaine */

Arthur : /* Discours sur la première décade de Tite-Live */

Arthur : /* The government according to Machiavelli */

Arthur : /* The government according to Machiavelli */